Somebody asked me if I had to renounce on all literature, but were allowed to keep only one for my choice. The long letter, from and about KRANKHEIT IM RECHT, was my answer. I asked you for literature, was the reply. Exactly because of that, I answered.
Thanks to the patients‘ class in all continents for their interest in reading and making use of the contents of our SPK-Stromzeitung. Therefore we send this first edition now firstly to them.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
here the first 9 pages of our answering letter, meanwhile grown onto 20 or more pages, but not yet ready.
We already just can have presentiment about what there could be the mainstream of your intentions concerning your book, especially regarding the few questions you already asked us in your last letter and also the qualities related to them. The more questions and the more material, the more possibilities also for us to select between those which need to become answered and to what extend and those, which absolutely have to be rejected, because we in spite of needing absolutely nothing in favour for ourselves, done by you in your book, the more we have to care about what strengthens illness and the commonly getting along and forward with. Not for idealism, not for materialism, but for everyday change, for not to say: revolution here and now and by those who do elsewhere and here.
As you write in your last letter, you have decided to hold back the more material you already got ready and also the more questions, not to speak about your every sources. Shame? Cui bono, Lenin often asked.
What do you mean thereabout?
P.S.: The maybe somewhat excessive interpunctuation is done in order to facilitate reading. Be it so.
Dear friend Trevor:
"... to know from where the wind blows." Dinka Dinka, blink blink. Stay quiet nevertheless, because we know the difference between the wind and you. (Rhetorical question:) "Do you believe in casuality?" We not, too. If there is a question about Huber
[The name Huber serves for the Patientenfront (more female than male) nowadays as her body. For himself the name Huber consists of the middle-thing between a nobody and an everybody. Proof: "your body becomes a remonstrance (Vorstellung) ..." (Huber in: 'Ueber das Anfangen', page 122, line 15)]
concerning the word 'fired', or if there are topics like "patient of Huber" tied to the time ofSPK there arises an outburst of laughter, which ends more and more rallentando and decrescendo, yawning, sometimes. Remember: Huber is a useful name and activity for all of us. To this name once was linked the word 'fired' used by himself against Kretz & Co., before Kretz used it as a spy of the criminal police, after SPK had ended (Lefty publications, dink, dink).
Dr. Huber's male or female patients during or after SPK? They didn't exist at all. Proof: no therapying, no prescripting, no proscripting, no taking money from, no distributing (so-called referring) any patient to other doctors or clinics (see time-line). Thus: no patient at all does such things, as you know, and no Huber did so during SPK and so on, a patients', patients', patients' collective, practising socialistic interrelationship, a socialist patients' collective.
From such words as 'fired', or 'Dr. Huber's patients' arise a lot of movie-pictures and a lot of other words, able to fill books which, for luck, don't need to be written down, except all the written and unwritten notes, which we accumulated and re-accumulated during all these years of keeping silence. You remember why we decided about one year ago to publish almost freely? All groups, be it in prison or somewhere else, agree be it only in the one point, that they have been smashed and must look out for other ways and methods since capitalism has gained once more and that there has been wasted the time since long long ago to save mankind, earth and what else from final destruction. Until now most of them are convinced and also agree in that point, that SPK is the false way, for: 'a man convinced against his will, is of the same opinion still', as knew already old Shakespeare. But nevertheless a growing lot of people take more and more interest to care about their own future regardless our enemies, but regarding the more our true past. But quite a lot of the mentioned movie-pictures and of the other words still is lacking in our former expressions or, as you got clear, is substituted by the lies of our enemies, and many friends from long ago among them. Only a few years ago a leader of the Heidelberg city has mentioned about 40 - by him and others so-called - terrorists, who once have studied or lived there and who were in his eyes SPK because they had visited colleges about philosophy in the same university or because they had lived in streets or houses, famous for SPK. Nonsense? Not easy to imagine, but the concerned persons the more put their shoulders against. Or quite on the contrary. Now!
Maybe some of the persons you mention once believed still to be in the SPK, while they were in reality with the IZRU (InformationsZentrum Rote VolksUniversitaet, Information Centre for a Red University). This makes a great difference. Exactly the difference between reality and truth. IZRU was, as you can take it from the time-line, no more SPK and not yet Patientenfront. Proof: in the name IZRU there is lacking the letter P, not so in the names SPK and PF. Names just like data are programs. There lacks the P in the name IZRU.
The truth of the SPK and of the PF, practicating and theorizing illness day and night within a permanent people's warfare by all means, this truth got on working far away from IZRU from its beginning in 1971 until to its ending in 1973. While existing IZRU did really and in reality an excellent, wide-spreading and very efficient work, tying contacts, organizing international congresses, founding the newspaper RVU (Rote VolksUniversitaet, Red People's University), supporting prisoners, reproducing even SPK-literature and so on, and in all this views it was more successful than SPK itself. But it was not in truth and truth was not in it. Some of us, who had been activists there, remember that they for example tried to continue the single agitations and group agitations and the therefore necessary working circles like they had experienced and remembered from SPK, in spite of all programs and other plans, failing after some weeks. Modification: new trial, same failing. Why? IZRU became more and more influenced by medical doctors and medical students who took part there, and also by lawyers who visited the prisoners out of most different groups and their doctors there (in prison and elsewhere), all well done in a seemingly quite unselfish and reasonable manner. That's to say, as remember the now Frontpatients: those people who never had entered SPK, falsificated and suppressed all informations which were available only for them because of their privileges, took command of all the publications of IZRU in their secret circles, wide-spread until abroad, as for example Paris and Amsterdam, Berlin and Hamburg, and they had there all about their quite unselfish performances in more or less brilliant so-called political rhetorics and lecture-givings.
You mentioned in your letter a schedule about "supporters". Be careful and remember nothing but the most importantP, if you need "standards" and "proofs" for truth. Jesus himself (atheist or religious - ¿quien sabe?) upon truth didn't ask for facts, names and data. Upon truth he made a decision and a difference between those who are in truth and those, who only speak truly, while they are not in truth. Thus there is a difference between there where P is and there where P never had even could have been allowed to be.
Only in order for completeness we mention here that there is also spoken about IZRU in the book 'Ueber das Anfangen' on page 88. The name on the spot aside is related to a wife of one of the lawyers who meanwhile has died (of course we alterated all of these names in our humorous manner, by the every purpose. You don't need to care about this note. But if you do, then please read very carefully: "... self-dissolution, of the SPK into the IZRU, done by myself" (means: H). A collectively taken decision against continuing practical and theoretical work on illness in a people's warfare round the clock. Or: favouring other groups, and from that resulting IZRU as a new foundation done by Huber. That's our hint, how to interprete a sentence like that. We hope that the other sources you mention take comparable qualities as to their clearness and making sense. But enough about IZRU and what arose from it: truth of SPK, strengthened in the IZRU, and having returned to the Patientenfront since long ago on the one hand, and wrecked illusions on the other hand, wrong even if true.
To all this we perhaps ought to add that, in the context with your book, we struggle for the only aim to do our uttermost, providing to the reader the means to take a decision and to learn how to get along with illness, as, spoken in your words, genuine resistance (of everybody, as to add). Nobody of us needs to care about the image of SPK/PF, least concerning Huber ('Ueber das Anfangen', page 135, line 22: "I never had a face and consequently not to lose one, be it in court, be it in television, nor in movies ((they offered to me)). ..." Till to the end of page 135). It's not because of shame, though shame could be a revolutionary sentiment, Marx, Bakunin and Moses already were aware about that and, marvel about marvel, did agree upon it. And in spite of knowing that we need some time to translate back to German, all we write here, we must go on ceasing stopping.*
If you in a former letter - already answered by us to your seeming sufficiency - should have had the intention to reproach us with that we ought not to "fire" patients now and subsequently, who nevertheless had been in the SPK, we answer: yes, we do, because that's a part of our job in KRANKHEIT IM RECHT / Patientenfront (= Illness In Right / Patients' Front). Proof: If in the last 20 years only one of them, be she or he now in prison or elsewhere, had continued, better spoken: begun to work pro illness in some way, we, be sure, would have addressed to him or her, in order to offer support, and would not have waited, until she or he should have addressed to the Patientenfront. Nothing, absolutely nothing there all about, be it not just on the contrary, means: addressing to the doctors, collaborating with their helpers, and so on, and so on.
But you will see, later on, that we of course will affirm the having been present of everybody in SPK you ask us, if he or she was there, be it only in reality and therefore disregarding truth. Please understand, that we are charged by distrust in everybody and in everything outside (paranoia), the more as we simultaneously enjoy a mania of trusting in ourselves each other, by means of what we call since before SPK: patients' control (Patientenkontrolle).
Morning has broken, the morning of gossip, tittle-tattle, twaddle, and it is a morning of our six honest "serving"-men, yours and ours. Here how this morning perhaps will end:
I keep six honest serving-men
They taught me all I knew
Their names are what and why and when
And how and where and who.
I send them over land and sea
I send them east and west
But after they have taught for me
I give them all a rest.
Fine, if there is need for consolations. Or otherwise:
Bend your sinews to the task,
put your shoulders to the wheel!
With your book, if it is finished, you take good chances to become an outsider, one more of those who were unfortunately seduced and defrauded by SPK. Incompetence is no excusion, it's a conditio sine qua non and an epitheton ornans for that.
We ourselves until 1987 had good chances never to break our silence, since then one of our best helpers to continue our heretic doing as initiated in 1966, charged with all experiences about secret karate circles, formed by male nurses against male patients and also against women of course, if there was want, commanded and put into action mostly by Dr. Kretz; charged by our experiences about the secret photo circle of the male nurse Keilbach in the cellar-rooms of the Psychiatric Clinic door to door with the Nazi-forensic psychiatrist Prof.Dr. Rauch, who there had ordered from the named Keilbach the photographies from the then murdered children whose brains this professor had been very fond of researching scientifically until 1945 (look at him on page 9 of our "Kleinkrieg gegen Patienten" 8th person from left in the first row of the named picture); charged with experiences about the secret working circles of explosive materials by electro-shocking and chemical shocking effects applied into the brains of the patients, secretly planned in the secret circles of the doctors and secretly done against male and female patients, separated from the others by shutting the door by key ... . Oh, yes, Dear Trevor, there still existed and exist a lot of secret working circles all around the world, which keep their secrets very carefully, and even SPK was such a secret at those times (1966), especially for ourselves. But in 1987 by our heretic studies, initiated and good working since a lot of years, we detected another secret. Please look at the back cover of our book 'Krankheit, die Ganzheit mit Zukunft' (protocol of congress discussions in May 1987, published 1988), second line of our "poem":
"... 2-1-0, eight89nine in July ... "
That means: there will happen a count-down (2-1-0) 1989 in July. The smallest part of our preparation consisted in publishing this book as soon as possible. But in July 1989 there happened nothing except some very serious hurtings of UdSSR-limits by NATO-aircrafts, not answered by the Russians (proof: taken from the newspapers). You can't imagine our disappointment at the failing of our coming back and breaking silence after a nuclear war, failing only because of the good will of the Eastern part. But within weeks we could realize that nevertheless things changed, nevertheless favouring illness, be it in a very chronical, but the more solid way, aiming at the above mentioned end, that all those groups who had been brought together with the SPK, practicating SPK against illness, now had decayed, but going on betraying their own being sick to the doctors and continuing the more distributing their twaddles about an SPK without SPK (look '... Anfangen', page 14, line 16: "... shortly, an SPK without SPK ..."). But revolution works solidly. (Aber die Revolution ist gruendlich. Karl Marx, Brumaire).
Shortly: our hopeful dream to keep shutting up for all times vanished since the mentioned events up from 1989 for, after a nuclear war of course for a long time also the gossips about SPK would have ceased automatically because of the then needed demand for doing and thinking quite new things concerning illness, instead of repeating, iterating and perseverating old nonsense.
It is a pity therefore, that we can't demonstrate now to you a world in which the last doctors in the last therapeutic activity are treated by the first Frontpatients. In this view morning not yet has broken. Not our guilt. Ask the Russians. Being in a lack for another proof, we only can give you a hint to something you just have read. Please look at SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON, page X, especially line 22-27. Well, the named class-antagonism between patients and doctors exists. Not as a clear and distinctly divided formation, as mentioned above in our utopatheidical view from 1989 and before. But it exists in ourselves and also in yourself, and you can grasp it by your mind, using the words and the letters and also the numbers we just did cite. If you do, there follows the truth and the being in truth about some really important things which you ask from us for your book.
From the mentioned antagonism there arise and arose the facts
that there was an SPK which founded an IZRU which was no SPK
there were and there are secret circles all about which really until nowadays are almost totally unknown. But there were never secret circles in the SPK, best known up then until nowadays, because they were founded by those secret circles we firstly mentioned.
Summary and speaking with the Righty German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche: "If I would tell the truth, I should be constrained to lie" (Wenn ich die Wahrheit sagen wollte, muesste ich luegen). You not, too.
Of course we do remember one of your first letters, in which you dealt with the necessity of the contrasts in order to put truth in the light. Be it not the righty light as a consequence for your readers! From our song you know that we prefer warmth, for illness' sake, in spite of our high esteem for all those who still prefer sunlight and skin-cancer, and the theory of light-emanation back to old Plotin and Plato and even back to the oldest pupils of the most eldest Zarathustra.
But back to present. I just communicated this tape to a Frontpatient who since the beginnings had been in the SPK. He read your letter some days ago and now heard the tape until to the above mentioned words "iterating and perpetuating old nonsense". While he affirmed our response in each point, he nevertheless had doubts, if it was correctly spoken to say, that the efficiency of IZRU, in which he also had taken part, had been even in any of the named points greater than the efficiency of the SPK. I therefore meanwhile put the same question to another Frontpatient with comparable experiences. She also didn't affirm in this point. I myself (taken from H) at the times of IZRU have been in prison. I got my informations about the efficiency of IZRU by a lawyer who worked with IZRU and by a woman from the SPK, from whom they just told me, that she had been in the IZRU the most advanced practitioner, simultaneously working as the right hand of one of the students' doctors of the university (see time-line page 2, 03.06.70: "psychotherapeutische Beratungsstelle" founded against the SPK), gaining by that her money and having been before the SPK a - because of illness - less efficient social case worker. Yes, two or three times she also had visited me in the prison, where she criticized under the eyes of the watching police my behaviour of resistance up to the point that I refused to see her again. Proof: she was a very charmful little person at those times, but reading her name in your schedule in your last letter I just experienced a little wretching arising from beneath of my solarplexus, and just the same bad feeling, accompanied by a whiter shade of pale had the PF-women responding the question, but quite on the contrary the mother of the asked Frontpatient told me that her son had become only red in the face because of anger, while pushing fisticuffs against the table (he also has been tortured later on in prison and that by doctors, where the charmful woman still is).
Now to point 2) concerning the secret circles more in detail:*
About some places appearing in the following: look H-rough sketch, page 9 herein, backside. On purpose for true orientation "by heart to heart". For military cartography look same page, left corner above.
Huber never was fired. But Kretz has been fired two times before the times of SPK and at least one time after the SPK. The wife of Dr. Kretz, while she was a post-medical student and got a part of her practical formation by Dr. Huber in the Psychiatric Polyclinic* in the summer of 1968 (or be it 1969?) told him, that there had taken place a discussion between her husband and his new chief, the leader of the so-called Central-Institute for Mental Health in Mannheim, a discussion, in which this chief finally had ordered, that Dr. Kretz had to go, because there was no longer any need for him. Some months before the chief of the Psychiatric Clinic at the University of Heidelberg, Prof. Walter Ritter von Baeyer, had done the same to him, because he had spent there eight or ten years without fulfilling the demands in scientifical research neither in a practical view, not to speak about the theoretical level in philosophy, biochemistry and other disciplines, such as it had been found for example in Huber up from his going on in psychiatry. That's what she told. By the way, Kretz is a dandylike guy, but sometimes he wore a dirty tie without becoming aware of it, except a patient mentioned it (life danger).
We accomodate ourselves to the English spelling of the German word 'Poliklinik'. The word is derived from Greek: polis, means: town. From the term 'Poliklinik' there results, that originally a policlinic had to serve to such people in a town, who could not afford an expensive therapy. Kretz e.g. strove to turn the thing completely from the feet to the head. But the revolutionary SPK patients made him fail and suffer from shocking headache, (the patients) using their own brains and electricity in it - -.
Well, fired two times, Kretz came back in 1969, at least to the Psychiatric Polyclinic, because nobody else had been ready to fulfill the tasks of a Polyclinic leader for longer than a few months, be it only the representative tasks, and not to speak about the indeed hard work there. So Kretz had got the chance once more, he soon began to fail. The chief, Prof. Walter Ritter von Baeyer, fired him again in 1972/73, but Kretz went to the court, gained there a delay for some months, with regard to the patients, whom he didn't shame to mention, and with regard to the Social Democratic Party which he mobilized, because meanwhile he had become a member there and a candidate, and also he achieved to mobilize colleagues (Kretz had been often at congresses) up from Finland (for example the psychiatrist Sirallha) until to Israel, for which he had collected money, after Israel had won its first war in 1966. Following these facts, we can't be quite sure, if Kretz had been fired for three times or for four times. But what we almost have forgotten to mention, is the most important thing, concerning firing against Kretz: one day after the first protest assembly of the patients in the Psychiatric Polyclinic and in the world, in February 1970, the newspapers of Heidelberg related, that Kretz had been just fired, when (the secret circle of) the highest staff in the university had taken place in order to elect Kretz, member of the Social Democratic Party like the Rector Rendtorff, for one of the Pro-Rectors (at those times not many doctors belonged to the Social Democratic Party and therefore Rendtorff had not much choice). Why? On the table were the morning newspapers about the fact, that in the night before some dozens of patients on the plenum in the Psychiatric Polyclinic by signature had declared their mistrust in Kretz and their full trust in Huber. One of the secret circling doctors and professors after the other stood up, as related the press, and spoke in favour of Kretz. In vain. And just one morning too late. Kretz was out and remained knocked out from rectorship, and rector Rendtorff himself kept suffering along all the time of his university's rectorship from his achilles-heel (his own words), received by the revolutionary strength of illness. Proof: Huber-patients this morning have fired the medicine-prorector (see: 'Ueber das Anfangen', page 77ff).
If nowadays Kretz is met somewhere and titled "Mr. Professor" he answers: "No, not professor, I am no professor". So we were told from a patient who later on came to KRANKHEIT IM RECHT. That means: also up to nowadays Kretz has failed any career in spite of all his efforts.
And Huber? 1975, still in the prison of Ludwigsburg, he got a letter from his lawyer, containing the message and the decision of the court, that the dismissal- and eviction (=Bann)-decision had been wrong, because done by the administration of the university, instead of the doctors, instead of the highest university's council or instead of the rector himself. Proof: Huber never has been fired, because there had been lacking law and competence, but there had been an abundance of cowardness and abuse, when the university in February 1970 had put into action their secret karate-, photo-, radio- and explosive circles against the patients and himself, in order to prevent them from entering the Psychiatric Polyclinic once more, be it in the distance of a boundary.*
Please take it from the time-line, that also Mrs.Dr.med. Ursel Huber, born Schaefer, born in Cologne 20 July 1935, meanwhile has fired all doctors up to the World Medical Association, last 1976, when she later on affirmed and kept doing, what Huber had begun. Those two Frontpatients since more than 23 years have turned out to be excellent doctor-killers, including themselves as registered doctors, for sure. Sometimes less is more, remember. Means: because even killing, if done tied to illness and in the context of SPK is quite another thing, quite more fundamental, radical and absolutely permanent, if done from there and in comparison to elsewhere. You everytime must even risk your life in order that nobody else runs the risk to lose it. Proof: time-line because that is a proof, taken from SPK/PF/H. For truth. You alreadly got it.
Why didn't Huber ever ask for becoming chief of the Polyclinic, you may ask? Answer: there is no need for chiefs, but work. They wanted him back to the Psychiatric Clinic to help there two chief-doctors doing their researches, watching their wards and preparing their lectures, the latter just as he had done before (see 'Ueber das Anfangen', page 118, line 12 - 26: " I ((Huber)) was entrusted with the scientific task ... to clarify ... genesis of dopey state ... epilepsy ... and even the basic concepts of psychiatry ... by means of philosophical science"), supposing once to become him a higher chief than only a polyclinic chief (proof: compare: "a type like him", look time-line, p. 8), totally disregarding Huber's opinion about. Huber refused quite courteously (= "schroff" = "curtly", as there took down the publishing police officer later on), saying: "I continue doing my own researches and there is no lack of good work here." So he had claimed for continuing his autonomous work place. Exactly these words, here set in bold, and he added "continuing my researches, which you until now still approve, isn't it? Or go elsewhere." But the chief Baeyer said that such a thing (an autonomous work place) can't exist within a State. (Please do think about world-scale-iatrocracy, be it just for a moment!) At the end of the discussion on that this chief, running off, nearly suffered a jaywalking accident. As it happened, it was not Huber, who did something against, but a colleague of his - not Kretz! - saved him by adverting him not to run with the head through the glasses of the door. Proof: spring/summer 1969, Wednesday, blink, blink, (compare: "... Baeyer ... to cast ... stones", see 'Kleinkrieg ...', p. 126, 3rd line from beneath).
Still point 2) and some more details in the corresponding know how. Not all the patients, and there were about 180 involved, had read the newspapers, because there was a weekend between the sending of the named administration's paper to Dr. Huber in Wiesenbach and its giving there to the mother of Dr. Huber on Saturday morning. Next week many patients walked from all around to the Psychiatric Polyclinic like usual or tried to call up Dr. Huber there. What now? The (male) nurses (secret karate circles) and some uniformed policemen were waiting at the doors or behind his former phone in the Polyclinic and gave to the patients the address of a small house on a hill, rented by Dr. Huber since the earlier sixties in Wiesenbach, which he, his wife and three little children had got, because another doctor from there had emigrated to Sherbrooke (Quebec). At those times the door was never shut by key, because the children preferred to open it by pushing against with their shoulders when they returned from school or from kindergarden. Now, up from Tuesday there came also patients, sent by the karate-nurses and by the police, because Dr. Kretz was not ready to speak to them. They expected the Hubers or the children, waiting in the garden or sitting at the wall before the door, and some of them who went for the second time with the bus from Heidelberg, that means from a distance of 15 kilometers or from elsewhere, that means some miles more, entered the kitchen and waited there. On Monday only the woman in the library of the Psychiatric clinic had called up Huber in order to make him return some books. Huber had begged her to tell the chief, that he or somebody else from the doctors first must come to Wiesenbach in order to give him out the secret files about the patients they still kept, because everybody was allowed and invited to come to Wiesenbach, but nobody was allowed to enter his (v. Baeyer's) clinic without his (v. Baeyer's) permission, as he (v. Baeyer) had ordered. No response. To add, that there was of course no means, usually regarded to be necessary for therapy, except nourishing, speaking and living together*. There were four tiny rooms more and also a room in the garden for a car and also in the garden a room for washing and a quite small cave in the garden filled by barrels of oil in order to get one room more warm, except the kitchen, containing a hearth, fired by wood and coal. It is still cold in Germany during February and March. The wife of Dr. Huber still had her place of work at the Physiological Institute of the University of Heidelberg, where she did researches about the muscles of growing chickens in their eggs and also had to care about the stipendiums of all medical students once or twice a week. ("more" about that look: 'Ueber das Anfangen', p. 114, line 6 from beneath: "... support Patientenfront ..."). The youngest child then was three years old and either she was together with him at her place of work or some female friends of her were with the children in Wiesenbach. To add, that just we remember that the young man who had given the administration's paper to the mother of Dr. Huber had come from Heidelberg by a motor-bicycle. And the mother was there only for some of her short visits, because she had to care about the father of Dr. Huber, who was at those times 92 years old and with whom she lived in a distance of about 100 kilometers far from Wiesenbach.
The Huber house was a simple housing, rented exclusively for the familiy, not a clinic, not a doctors' practice, neither was she- or he-Huber a there practising physician, nor was there a consulting room, nor medical tools, thus not even an ambulance.
Attention! Step after step. You now are reaching the top of the event from which started the criminal secret circles formed to say: telekinetically far away within and without the boundaries of the university in Heidelberg.
On Tuesday evening there came four or more cars filled with about one dozen patients from Heidelberg to Wiesenbach. What had happened? In the afternoon of Tuesday there had been their usual weekly day of group-therapy. Of course some of them had very carefully observed the events and read the newspapers from Monday. Some of them were still students and got therefore time not only to contact each other but many of the patients whom they knew from the above-mentioned protest-plenum and by their all-about best known researches and activities during the last weeks in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in favour and by want of all the other patients there and against the doctors. (We come back to those researches and activities later on.) They told me, that the group entirely had marched to the Polyclinic, more of them women than men, had pushed the (male) nurses and the police aside saying, that they hadn't come in order to get any therapy, but in order to gather in their group room just like ever they had did before. After they had discussed in the presence of the secret karate-circlers and of the police, who did nothing but calling for commands at the doctors who didn't appear, they took the decision to continue the discussion in the home of Dr. Huber, which most of them entered in this night of Tuesday for the first time. First they asked him what had happened since Friday last week after the big so-called hearing in the lecture-giving room of the Psychiatric clinic. Attracted by the mass-media which had announced this performance, there had come some hundred persons, patients, inhabitants also out of other towns, newspaper, broadcasting and television-reporters to watch and to discuss about the at those times still so-called "Fall Huber", he himself also present and speaking.
At the end of the discussion in Wiesenbach which lasted till to the morning there were taken the two decisions:
a) plaint by a lawyer at the court against the paper of the administration (decided in favour of Dr. Huber five years later!);
b) coming to Wiesenbach only once a week, namely on Wednesday in the night in order not to hinder the other patients, to whom must be guaranteed the possibility to come when, if and as long their time it allows to them.
Some details more: while they had their discussion a person appeared at the window who turned out to be the priest, demanding Dr. Huber to order his guests please to drive away their car from "his" place at the church and to call up the police in the neighbour village that there was no need to come, because now all was o.k. By that the first patients-circle had got publicity. Because the priest was a catholic, it was perhaps a good publicity all around Wiesenbach. For that you must know also the detail, that Huber between the years had left the evangelic church, to which he had belonged since then for all times. At any rate everybody from the SPK, when he entered for example a restaurant in Wiesenbach to buy a bottle, had good chances to have a friendly talk with the barkeeper or with some of the guests to talk for a while about the patients' collective or about the Dr. Huber community, as the inhabitants all around Wiesenbach used to say. Even later on, when in September 1970 the patients-assemblies in Wiesenbach took part on Thursday, nothing changed, and also nothing changed after the shooting out on 24 June 1971, when the patients continued their assemblies on Thursday. But since the warrants on 20/21 July 1971 you only can read about secret circles on Wednesday and never about secret circles on Thursday. Once more: From September 1970 till to the self-dissolution of SPK on 13/07/1971 there was no assembly of patients, no so-called "secret circle" on Wednesday, and up from the first moment on Tuesday afternoon all events among and around the patients took place under the eyes of the university, of the State and of the Church. Why secret circles up from their being in prison until nowadays?
Back to Wednesday night in February 1970, when the patients came again to Wiesenbach, just as decided in the night before. Remember, that then only the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 and the Patientenkollektiv there were a secret for everybody, because the secret circles in the university continued to work, sending the patients to Wiesenbach, where they arrived, lived and discussed one after the other, together or assembled just like the other persons, families, associations, political parties, friends of music or groups there in the neighbourhood or elsewhere.
On Wednesday night there was to decide about proposals as to reoccupy the rooms of the Psychiatric Polyclinic, directing to other political groups or parties at the university or elsewhere, institutions and organizations like the Union of Victims out of the Last War (proposals of a since the last war brain-hurt patient, member of this organization and did pay for it). The urgency had grown, because of the lot of visits and calls in Wiesenbach, since the morning to the evening. The plaint at the court had been done by the lawyer, but it was quite clear for the patients, that they could not wait until the result. It was the secret of the secret circles, that they would need five years to decide in favour of Dr. Huber. From all available informations it was quite clear, that the secret circles of the doctors had done a successful work against the patients influencing the mass-media. To organize a great demonstration in Heidelberg in order to protect the patients when reoccupying their rooms in the Psychiatric Polyclinic seemed to be no useful proposal. Because of what to do when the demonstration had ended and the doctors then should bring into action police? Perhaps the patients could regain the secret files, which the doctors otherwise could make use of in order to submit them to their compulsory therapy in a hospital of Heidelberg or of Wiesloch. The later aim seemed not to justify the risk. Finally the patients in this night got clear, that there existed for them no other help, but what they could do themselves being patients, trusting in their illness. To keep sitting in Wiesenbach and discussing there, could not change anything. Thus they decided to enter up from the next day a room in the administration building of the clinics, from where had come the paper against Dr. Huber, and this paper was signed exactly by this chief of the clinical administration who neither was a doctor nor a member of the researching or teaching corpus of the University in Heidelberg. Thus the patients planned to enter the library in this administration building one after the other and waiting there until students and other people should come, to whom there had to be announced up from the next day that the patients, who planned a collective hunger-strike, would discuss that with them.
Thus: a public working circle in Wiesenbach strives to gain more publicity returning to Heidelberg in order to discuss their plans and problems with other people bad influenced by the doctors and their secret circles.
Of course it had there been discussed, both in this Wednesday night in Wiesenbach and in the administration library, also about all available weapons, be it only in order to get clear that, regarding the now existing problem, weapons like explosives and some old rifles could be only a risk, but no help for them. On the other hand there already had taken place a lot of explosions: the propaganda actions, caused by the doctors in the mass-media, didn't need yet any reinforcement by the patients, because they still continued to drop, say: like new-laid eggs, new-laid by old skunks.
The discussion in the administration library took place just as having been planned by the patients and only a few student people from outside had come. But with them together there came two doctors from the Psychosomatic Department, being situated in the same building of administration. Huber, as a former colleague, asked them to go. They begged for permission to take part. Dr. Huber told them, that the patients just had decided against the present students and the representatives of other organizations who perhaps were also here, that next Thursday morning they would go to occupy the rooms of the administrating chief in order to begin a hunger-strike. If they then were expected by police, it should be quite clear that one of those doctors once more had cheated the patients like usual. The two doctors promised to keep silence and the patients continued their discussion saying, that if the hunger-strike should fail, they intended to destroy for example the electric circuit in the administration building in order to reach a decision be it by means of all necessary tools, for not to say weapons, be it at once, be it later. Soon the two doctors withdrew, followed by the students and the other persons.
One day later, on Thursday when the patients and Huber did what they had planned, there came after about two hours also the first students and then more and more of them, because they had realized, that there had been no police, when the patients had started their unexpected action, unexpected by nobody, known to all, and their red Union Jack was blowing in the wind before the window above the entrance to the administration building. But it was not well done by the students to trust in the published armed circles of the patients, while disregarding the fact, that there exist armed circles everywhere, which are secret, but able to turn published armed and unarmed circles into secret circles of victims. Proof: just in the same building, just in the same hour of beginning there happened to take place a secret circle of doctors as there was documented and commonly known some days later. One of those doctors cried: "There we have them all together now, Huber within! Shocks! Injections! Internment to him and to the others now! What a marvellous opportunity!" Only because the patients' plan had consisted also in calling up as soon as possible all available newspaper offices from the next phone in the street (because soon there were some nurses out of the secret karate circles who pushed them down as they tried to use the phone in the director's room), the cowardness gained and the doctors withdrew. Just as they had done some days before, having not dared to sign the dismissal order against Dr. Huber, just as the Rector, chief of the university, not had dared too, but thereby it had got clear later on for everybody, that we, the patients, had been only separated by some minutes or say half an hour from ending our lives quite secretly behind the walls of a hospital, done by the secret circles of the doctors and their helpers. Once more the patients and not the students and not somebody else always best covered by being private and secret. Proof: look at the picture: later-on-SPK-patients lonely, 'Kleinkrieg...', p. 73.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
5 November 1993
here the next pages of our answer letter. There is demand, to publish it also in the U.S.A. and in Great Britain within some weeks. What do you think thereabout? Of course we also could make wait the thereabout interested publishers, if you yourself intend to publish it in your book. We also got permission of Huber, to use his signature therefore.
We regret, that we still cannot send you the entire letter, because it is indeed almost ready now, but not yet completely typed.
The headline you asked us about ('Kleinkrieg...', p. 70) are the words of our enemies, the jacker, the doctors. Please give an advice thereupon to your readers, if you make use of.
And of course all others didn't hunger and were not there during the two nights until Saturday morning. Quite on the contrary: some of them, like the doctors, asked us to stop also drinking, prohibited especially the female patients to use one of the water-closets in this building of university's administration, asking them to do it "on the market place" (auf dem Marktplatz). Nobody cared about, thus: secret circles for whom even the name 'pig' is not suitable, because it would be an offence against the animals with the same name. To add, that we were at those times and for our own part, being patients like Huber and all the others who were on our side, nowhere secret: not in Wiesenbach, from where we had returned to Heidelberg for a while, while staying some also in Wiesenbach, because there was the mentioned house. Nor were we secret circles in Western and Eastern Germany at all, nor in Brasilia for example. With us had been a patient from there who asked us urgently to take measures against the newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), in which they had read in Brasilia and told about to the patient from Brasilia that in this paper some anonymous, belonging to a secret writing circle thus, had described our action as a new form of bank-robbery, a doctor (Huber!!) taking about 200 patients as hostages and so on. Yes there were in danger, caused by the secret circling activities of the doctors, quite a lot of patients, especially also those who didn't take part in the hunger-strike, and from whom nobody could tell what to them could happen else. But nobody was threatened or constrained in any way by Huber, he himself threatened by death more than every other patient in this as public as possible warfare-circle.
Did whoever meet a bank-robber, be it in dream, who enters a bank, runs back in order to call up the press by phone, then runs back into the bank, where there are waiting some office-hostages for him in order to see him attacked as the first wanted by karate-, explosives-, photographers- and radio-liars? Those of the secret circles which were existing and which still exist, did so and will go on doing so, because they need not to care about reasons, except their more or less great distance to the doctor, that is the lie, or to the patient, that is the truth in everybody.
Later on, in Rohrbacherstrasse, there could nobody enter without passing the literature, pinned at the walls, about those events, nobody could sit in the waiting room without following discussions about even the details of those events and nobody could stay with Huber for the first time, be it only five minutes, without firstly experiencing, that she or he was in high and permanent danger, be it because of the other patients, who maybe were more advanced in practice or consciousness than he, be it because of looking out of one of the windows and regarding, in a distance of about twenty meters on the other side of the street, the windows and the doors of the police headquarter of Heidelberg. Everybody knew that everybody returned from the SPK back to elsewhere, be it at home, be it to a restaurant, be it to the university, be it to a sport club, be it to a lesson for autocar conducing, be it to another part of the university, where she or he just was working, or be it to Wiesenbach or back from Wiesenbach. Everybody could not only know, but knew because he had seen, heard and felt it, that there were also explosives sometimes in the SPK, sometimes in a students' room where he or she had also their intercourses (more secret circles?) and also there were patients who long ago had frequented judo-, karate-, and what else circles, continuing them also during the times of SPK, continuing them with and without rifles and guns in their pockets, if there seemed to be need, when they entered during the night those rooms, because the owners rising from what reasons, causes or intercauses ever, had given them one or two keys more to use such rooms also during the night.
Just about hostages we have a note just out of the week before the hungerstriking of which here is dealt. Not in Wiesenbach, but in the room of a later SPK patient. According to the mentioned note, we had to gather, because just another patient had suffered a break-down, and unable to reach his home, had come there from his place of work at a school. Some weeks before, he had passed his examinations and now he had become a music-teacher at a public school. While studying and before, he had done excellent performances as a pianist, he had deepened his knowledge of that, reading especially Walter Benjamin for example and also Adorno (Lefty scientists about culture). Though being a very strong man he then had suffered more and more, because they, while admiring his skill, criticized his less successful concurrence in public music competences as Lefties. Because of that he had developed a great interest in publications of social psychiatry. And because of that he came to the Psychiatric Polyclinic as a private patient and begged Dr. Huber to send him for some weeks to the - at those times still so-called: Department of Social Psychiatry in the University's Psychiatric Clinic in order to have discussions with the publisher of the mentioned articles about social psychiatry. Dr. Huber warned him and his wife who had the same profession, but they insisted. Armed by the false diagnosis "neurotical situation of exhaustion, coloured by depressive tendencies" ("nervoeser Erschoepfungszustand mit depressiver Faerbung") he had reached after some weeks his aim to enter the most prominent part of the social psychiatrist secret circle in the psychiatric clinic, upper class. But after the first week, his wife called up Dr. Huber and told him, that her husband now had become really ill and sick. The publisher of social psychiatric literature had laughed at him and destroyed all his illusions, and soon there had followed "a very light therapy in order to approve his mood and to strengthen his body". Meanwhile his eyes had become so bad, that, in spite of new glasses, he was unable to read. The social psychiatrist publisher, as she told, had been very glad about those effects of therapy, "because music consists of hearing, but not of reading books like those of Adorno and Benjamin as they lay on the table". Some days later, a female doctor of the social psychiatric department called up Dr. Huber, asking him, if he were ready to take this patient back, because he had become a danger there in the night, suffering from attacks of raving madness in the night, which he nevertheless still had been able to control himself. Of course Huber ran the risk and agreed to take him back. (Jaywalking?)
Now, during the week before starting SPK he lay down in the room of another patient (not secret, not conspirative). For meanwhile, by the support of other later Frontpatients he had become an inspired teacher who tried to inspire children and young ones for music and socialist living together, in order that they could do it later on better than the now upgrown, who were, as he often said, nothing else but reproducers of Nazi-structures. Well, his pupils had revolted against him, collaborated with the other teachers, and just he had had a discussion with the chief of the school, a friend of his and his family because of the music, but now at the end of his wit's knowing from newspaper that there didn't exist yet any Huber to help. Now he lay on the sofa and trying to get him asleep, we took him off the boots. About half a dozen kept wispering about the last events and what to do in the room (secret conspiracy?), while he got asleep. Two more came and told in the same wispering manner that they only had entered because of the three cars in the street in front of the house, known to them. They told that some people, walking there did say: "A lot of Huber there, this evening" and addressing to them: "Good luck".
They had a list about all the places, where Kretz used to park mostly his fine new Mercedes-car, because they had observed him very busily since some days. They told also, that just they saw him, as he left the police-headquarters, walking along and finally entering the building, in which was the editors' office of the Rhein-Neckar-Zeitung (RNZ, biggest press of Heidelberg). They mentioned, that they were sure, that Kretz didn't recognize them, because, in spite of being very short-sighted, he was always too vain to use glasses, as they had experienced during the weeks before, when there had been pinned up their flyers everywhere in the Polyclinic, and Kretz had passed by often and often without noticing anything. First they had decided to wait there until he returned. But shortly after him there entered some more doctors accompanied by a well-known police-officer who wore civil clothes. They had achieved to escape unrecognized, kissing each other in the shadow, close to the next door.
Meanwhile the patient awoke and murmured for several times the word "hostage". Then he told, that in his dream there had been Kretz without clothes walking along a highroad in a great forest some miles behind of Wiesenbach, accompanied by a television team, sitting and acting in a huge Mercedes-car and Kretz, who took a microphone always cried something which had to do with "bowels" and "God", and the background-music within the car by a moving record always repeated the melody of Little Jacky (Haenschen klein / ging allein / in die weite Welt hinein ...). Huber, suppressing an outburst of laughter, asked: "Could the full text have been the following: "And my intestines jubilate to heaven" ("Und meine Gedaerme jauchzen zum Himmel")? The just awoken friend was flabbergasted: "By whom do you know?" Huber: "By Kretz himself, for he often mentioned this line out of a psalm in the Bible and took it as a proof that there was a connection between soul and body, disregarding the tremendous humorous effects by that, unvoluntarily caused even in some female listeners, who got a red flush in their faces; for Kretz was, as mentioned, at least short-sighted and vain and whatelse. But there were some other patients who shouted: "Do it! Take him! Hostage!" "And what about the intestines, the bowels in this dream?", Huber asked. And soon the other patients remembered that the awoken patient was not yet informed about the planned hunger-strike and just began to discuss with him about it. Soon he joined, saying that this was the best idea. Next morning he went to school, did his work, caring about nothing else and remained there till to the end of the SPK, when they casted him into prison, pretexting guerilla activities. The doctors achieved to "self"murder him in 1976/77 by berufsverbot (prohibition of profession), because he had done after the SPK some translations from French and Italian language into German language, the contents of which were directed against medicine and psychiatry.
From the mentioned story you can take almost all the truth about, that there existed already, before the beginnings of SPK, working-circles which were known to all and others, which were done totally secretly. The dream about Kretz as a hostage, becoming a particularily affirmed doing, was the product of a working-circle of the later on SPK, remaining totally secret during about 24 years, until to this moment, when I took it down for the first time by letters and words. But the newspapers' articles all around the world said, the patients had been taken for hostages in their hunger-strike until two days before the beginning of the patients' collective in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12. Thus, a hostage-taker with whom they lived and who lived with them everywhere and day and night and who ran the greatest risk to lose his life, that's quite another thing. Isn't it? From that thing arises also, that I now must take down the just mentioned story, disregarding which secret working circles just exist and continue to exist, creating thus myself perhaps new secret circles, new menace, new danger, new death up to against the Patientenfront, but never being able to reach the roots of illness! Proof: some of us just returned from the Anarchist Bookfair in London. In each article, dealing with SPK there
So far to the extend of the real secret working circles, murderers, falsificating and destroying not only photos and identities.
Or are all these things produced by the now dead patient, arising from that what there followed or not followed? How did his dreamed hostage-taking get into the brain of a so-called Gillessen, who all over the time had been elsewhere, at least in a distance between Heidelberg and Frankfurt, thus about 80 kilometers? Telepathy? Why then were his hostages (the "poor" Huber-"patients") so different from the never-a-hostage-Kretz, poor in no way, except in brain, heart and cojones and therefrom following in skill, luck and success, thus in the strength of illness (Krankheitskraft), which last not least even such patients have proved against him, whom he and his doctor-company had standardized and labelled by the etiquettes (often enough it is only the etiquette which counts!) "debil" and "feeble-minded", "labile", "impotent" and so on, better spoken: firstly made so?
For truth, even in the days before the beginning of SPK we ran with our cameras behind people we took for being spies, took photographies of their cars and of the ways they used. And if they asked us, we told them that we had taken them for spies. If they denied we begged them to excuse, offered to them the film, saying that others from us already kept photos from them. Secret working-circles in the SPK? Answer: neither secret, nor in, but before and ever. Because: Turn illness into a weapon! There could be nothing done secretly and separated from the work in SPK, before SPK already existed. If then we discussed there in a common working-circle about sexuality and then went in other rooms and did it, as secretly as a lot of persons can do, if they are together, was then the first working circle the good one and the second the secret? Had we therefore to remain in the rooms of the SPK, reading and discussing books about, which were on music stands, then running to the next bed in the room, doing it and in the same way back in order to compare if well done or not, just as in some clubs who try to practicate tantra-yoga? Did we demand 500 explosive-permissions during the last weeks of the SPK, written and by calling up the police-headquarter as secret working circles or was that a public thing* in spite of the police being a secret work-circle who never answered except taking Huber-children as hostages on 24 June 1971? (see SPK Dokumentation II, page 287, line 35ff). Was the jumping into death out of a rapid-train, long after the self-dissolution of the SPK, caused by those secret working-circles who impose berufsverbote from which they say that it is forbidden by punishment to call those things berufsverbote (prohibition of profession) - is a man who jumps in death without announcing it a proof that there exist secret working circles? Marlies Lutz was taken for such a proof, and she had been in SPK. How to prove truth? To speak with Goethe (old German poet): "If you don't feel it, you never will grasp it" ("Wenn ihr's nicht fuehlt, ihr werdet's nie erjagen").
At those times the Lefties and others accused us to practicate an exhibitionism (!), for "such things are not to be discussed in public." (Proof: 'Kleinkrieg ...', p. 40, RNZ 7.7.71). At the time of SPK the reproach was "exhibitionism", later on: "secret circle". Funny? Of course, for gossip makes fun.
But that is not yet all. Before continuing with point 2), just read once more. To be clear I must add in order to avoid misunderstandings: the main part by publishing, creating secret circles and so on concerning SPK, has been done up from the first weeks of June 1971 (see press, see the declaration from the lawyer, mentioned by yourself, in 'Kleinkrieg ...', page 33, line 17-26: "declaration of the lawyer office verbatim: ... the measures of prosecution ... prepared since more than a week, ... 19 June 1971. The shooting ... night 23./24. June 1971 ... pretext... ."). For ourselves a) all of the up then and later on so-called secret circles never had existed before, and b) the real existing secret circles, governed by the doctors, never had been for ourselves, say: an "ideal" or whatever else to become imitated.
Maybe you still miss details about the so-called "secret radio working-circles". Many patients in the SPK and also, quite on the contrary, in the student movement at those times and since some years before the SPK disposed of prepared radios by which they could hear, what for example the police did say by their broadcasts or else. In the SPK in Rohrbacherstrasse 12, in the rooms in Heidelberg and all around, where they lived, everybody could see such radios, watching their being prepared and watching their being used. Of course it was a very hard job to hear day and night the commands and the twaddling of those guys and to take notes from, in order to get a panorama about, which you needed, if there was want to be warned of for example planned attacks against you or your people. There didn't even exist a law for punishment against this hearing. But soon after the SPK and the publishing about the so-called "secret radio working circles" there arose a claim for such a law in all parliaments of the Republic and up from about 1973 then existed the possibility to get punished by money or by, say: three months of prison therefore. Of course, we ourselves disposed of some transmitters, which we had bought and paid in a second-hand shop. Because we had at those times not enough money and our proceedings in repairing on our own account didn't advance suitable enough, they never were used. What a pity, regarding the every-day-nonsense from the so-called pirate-transmitters (Piratensender) which are nowadays still all in use, especially at the Greenies (Green Party, Greenpeace and so on). We at those times already knew a lot of things, very important for quite a lot of people. For truth. Some of us remember, that in the SPK many people knew, that we had got those transmitters. Even strange visitors who happened to come to Wiesenbach, where there was always open door, had seen and admired them, not to mention those, who never had been jailed and sentenced under the pretext, to have belonged to any "secret working-circle of the SPK". In order for completeness, there is to mention, that after the SPK those transmitters all about in Heidelberg and elsewhere emerged to be well-known and famous up to the degree, that everybody, urgently asked by the police and together with it, did researches in every corner of the whole State, wherever there had lived SPK patients, in order to find the named "proofs", because they had turned out to be of the uttermost importance to keep exceptionally the two Huber imprisoned, prolongating the warrants from July 1971 up to Dezember 1972 (!!), and of course the prisoners had to remain in prison until 1976. Up to nowadays - dink, dink, blinka-blink - nobody knows where the transmitters can be found, meanwhile repaired, as we hope. Well, all truth depends on being linked to illness, as someone mentioned elsewhere. Otherwise there is to deal with nothing else but bullshit. Transmitters transmitting bullshit or transmitters transmitting news about illness. That's the question. Remember, remember!
For the rest and before dealing with so-called "urban guerilla in the SPK" (lacking in none of the warrants against), just some also up to now mostly inedited details about the later on so-called "secret photo working-circles" about identity.
For: individual identity, if there is in truth, is to become done and gained by nothing else, but by passing through illness in any way.
If there came somebody, asking to join the SPK, after the first minutes in which there was shortly dealt with permanent warfare all about, just as we already mentioned in this letter here above, Huber asked the person, sitting opposite, to say him a name she or he liked, just freely chosen by the person herself or himself, a name, which he then would take down, and which the person was asked by him urgently to use for all time in the context of her or his having joined to SPK. During the mostly then following discussion on that he sometimes begged the person to look at her or his passport, asking for example:
- "Is there taken down anything about which kind of commodity or merchandise (Ware) you are, have been or shall become? Is there something taken down about the illness, because of which you have come here?"
- "Nothing, truly nothing."
- "Are you quite sure, read once more! Thus: your identity, your passport is forged, false and wrong. Of how many identities, of how many passports do you dispose just in this moment? Only of one? Maybe that's not enough all time. But if you dispose of only one illness, and that is enough for you for all time, then welcome, because we all in the SPK can help you by means of discussion, collectively working and by means of agitation to develop from your only one illness the following three modifications of true identity:
a) pathopractical identity
(so-called political identity ), stable against all changes,
the latter resulting from your being here, there or elsewhere;
Proof: in the passport of one SPK patient, detected by the police, when executing the warrant against him on 21 July 1971 there was in his identity, in his passport the photo of Hitler, taken at Hitler's last birthday on 20 April 1945. In the passport of another patient there was the photo of Mao Tse Tung. On the desk and on the tables of the court, there lay in December 1972 for truth some forged passports and some unforged tools apt to forge passports, found in the house of Huber and elsewhere, the passports which had been used to rent a "conspiracy appartment" (what's that?) taken down and sentenced by the judge in "free estimation of proofs" ("free estimation of evidence", "freier Beweiswuerdigung"). Only the latter mentioned part about this detail is known. The rest is silence. Still how long?! Who, except ourselves will take down also the above-mentioned aspects of identity in the same completeness, as they do, when they deal with criminal falsification, who? Who doesn't care about, if they then call him an idiot, whom nobody is able to understand?
Also there had been never a secret about "urban guerilla" in SPK or elsewhere there around. A secret about that could never exist, because up from the first beginnings there took place a permanent discussion about every kind of revolutionary warfare, and up to the first weeks of June 1971 there didn't even exist the name RAF. Not before the first weeks of June there had appeared writings about, which had the name and the emblem RAF, in the mailboxes and on the tables of SPK and all around the Republic. Well, up to nowadays there appear publications also in the Lefty scene (we brought some just from London), in which you can read, that the RAF had been founded or new-founded according to the patterns of organization as developed by the SPK. But quite on the contrary each prosecutor, dealing with warrants against SPK, and each Righty and Lefty publisher from since long ago had made the point, that the SPK had formed, according to the patterns of Baader and Meinhof (the name before RAF), an urban guerilla unknown and quite secret to others in the SPK and elsewhere, and the judge in December 1972 took down by means of "free estimation of proofs" ("free estimation of evidence", "freier Beweiswuerdigung"), that the beginning of the "secret urban guerilla" must have begun at least be it so all about before or after January 1971 ("aber spaetestens ab..."). To say it before and just as you perhaps suppose, Dear Trevor: nobody could ever form, keep secret or even affirm an urban guerilla inside or outside of the SPK.
For the rest, we until now have heavy doubts, whether a group like the later on so-called RAF ever had been an urban guerilla, following the patterns, as they had been taken down by Che Guevara, who never practicated it himself, neither was fond of doing it (see the about one and a half pages about, he has taken down), and also following the 'Mini-Manual Of Urban Guerilla' by Carlos Marighela. What is an urban guerilla according to the named "books"? Answer: An urban guerilla is a person who chooses the mask, the behaviour and the living style of a criminal, never expressing her or his political intentions, in order to remain secret and undiscovered, be it for ever. What does this mean quite in common? Answer: if you distinguish a guerilla, be sure, that it was anything else, except urban guerilla. You must distinguish between a criminal person like that or a criminal person like this. But if you succeed, be sure that you failed. Do statistical researches about growing or falling rates of criminality and respond the question: what's the difference between a number and between an urban guerilla, if you can! Why doesn't mask an urban guerilla as she or he were a patient? Maybe because there exist a lot of patients, but scarcely one single urban guerilla by truth.
Well and just in detail: before the doctors came and their police, there had been no masked, no unmasked criminal secretly within the SPK. As you perhaps know, only the doctors from the beginning to the end of the SPK again and again published, that in the SPK never had been really ill persons. Proof: prisons as therapy. Conclusion: the urban guerilla was founded either by the secret circles of the doctors, acting just as in the beginnings of the SPK, or there never existed something like an urban guerilla during, before or in a later context of the SPK. Please remember again theP, now for patient and also for political, lacking all over in that what is called in Germany BMB/RAF, Second June, RZ and so on.
Some details more: the rooms of the SPK, the rooms in the kitchen and in the other tiny rooms in the rented and ever open house of Wiesenbach, the rooms of the SPK patients wherever they were, bursted from books and literature about all available kinds of resistance, be it armed, be it unarmed. As so-called proofs ("evidences") for secret circles, criminal conspiracy and urban guerilla those literature later on, that means in December 1972, after the SPK, lay on the tables of the court. As there was related in the press, the judge from time to time took such a book and read some lines which were underlined or marked beside by pencil or stylograph. For example: "How to detect a spy in the street who persecutes you? Answer: look at the legs of the ladies behind the windows of a shop. Wait until the spy passes behind you, observing him in the mirror reflexes of the window. Then decide whether to follow, observing him or to disappear and escape." (Paranoia? Whose? Compare: SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON, page 108 - 112, persecution "mania"...) The judge, being interrupted by an outburst of laughter in this court, continued: "This is taken from the book 'The Total Resistance' (new laughter) written by the author von Dach, major in the Swiss Home Army." We beg your pardon, that we here can't take down all details about this, a lot of weeks lasting trial, because up from the beginnings we soon were excluded from taking part there and for that we had to do a lot of nonsense, casting projectiles against the judge (batteries from a transistor, for example, as did Huber) or jumping (as did Mrs. Dr. Huber) against the judge who therefore hid under the table to reach our aim to become excluded, and of course they were struck down, just like the other patients, with whom they had lived in the SPK, struck down by the police between the prison and the court and before the trial, during the trial and after the trial, because they didn't go there and disturbed their taking part. Thanks to the authorities and their secret working circles.
Back to the details concerning SPK and before. Already before SPK we read and discussed and rejected Bakunin and Netchajew, Malatesta and Blanqui, because we had realized that not only the times had meanwhile changed. Where there once had been the explosives in the hands of the Bakunin-anarchists, there now were the atoms, the rockets and the rays in the hands of the others, developed, proved and governed by the doctors. Where else had been discovered radio-activity, if not in the former dissection-rooms, medical dissection-rooms of the Sorbonne in Paris, done by Madame Curie, you know for sure. What were the poisons and the daggers, recommended by Netchajew in comparison to the so-called medicaments and the genetical instruments in the hands of the doctors from nowaday? What could do the barricades, the fortificated streets and houses and the forged scythes of old Blanqui against the helicopters, scattering bacteria, virus and other "medicaments" chosen and measured by doctors before, if put into action against resisting people in the houses, in the streets and behind the barricades, we asked us and rejected also Blanqui. What about Malatesta, if the insurrection has gained, but the stores are empty and illness and epidemies enter the intestines so that the people need doctors and lose liberty the more and the longer by that. Already in the Psychiatric Polyclinic questions like such arose from time to time, very often in the brains of so-called simple people, if they had been a little bit encouraged to think about, but also, be it quite occasionally in the patients, who were students and also in single- or in group-therapy.
Later on, in July 1971, when the police, helpers of the doctors, who were not present, did their second search in the rooms of Wiesenbach (and there followed some more searches in the house of this ever-open-door) they asked the mother of Huber, why he had such a lot of such books. She answered that her son was a psychiatrist and a doctor and that, what there is in the brains and in the bodies all about of the patients also must be in a good psychiatrist, in order to be able to help. This she had learned from her son, of course. But the police officers shook their heads, ordered to take off all those books and to leave there all the other books about medicine, psychiatry, philosophy, psychology, music, culture and entertainment. Finally they told condolence to the old lady and wished her good health. She died 1987, aged 86 years.
Some years before, the doctor, responsible for health in the district where she lived, had taken the decision to put her for ever into a hospital, because she had become blind and dull, without being even no longer aware of that, when she for example walked through the street and he met her there (jaywalking?, see you later!). A Frontpatient took her farest away to the old, now again new capital of Germany. The Frontpatient out of the former SPK, who also never took part in some of the so-called secret working circles, which he there never had found, but now had learned from just a lot of useful things helped by the Patientenfront from far away, and he always needed help, because he, just like the struck old lady, had lost all, because of his decision to stay with her there abroad day and night, and mostly quite alone, when she suffered her homesickness-attacks and also the attacks of fever up to 40o Celsius some times, arising from scars in the left wing of her lungs, resulting from a tuberculosis in her youth, by which a lot of doctors had become rich and powerful people, while she had lost by the doctors' twaddeling (secret working-circles) some chances to become married and to get children and her father lost about all his money, because he had to pay for the - at those times (post World War I inflation and revolutionary situation in Germany) - very expensive costs for a treatment, which was, quite on the contrary to the illness, a torture for her, lacking all effectiveness else. Day and night she damned the doctors, and thereby the Frontpatient was a good helper for her, because she by that could forget and overcome her anxiety and her bad humor, arising from the lack of breath and the accumulation of phlegm in her lung scars.
During the first year she once had to wait on a walk, because a woman, with whom she had been, just for a moment had entered a shop. Meanwhile the police regarded her passport (unforged-forged, unfortunately) and, by that becoming aware and also by the colours of her dialect (dialect features), that she was from far away, they took her off and soon there was a doctor, ready to cast her into the geriatric department (the death-ward) of the bad-famed psychiatric and neurologic hospital there. Just in time the Frontpatient saved her, after having been called up by the other woman and calling back to the doctor at the police, mentioning thereby SPK. That was more than enough to get and to keep her free during the resting six years of her life.
What she needed were the drops of forged water, the so-called iatrocids, invented, developed and being already worked out for her by the Patientenfront in order to get rid of the phlegm. Her breath and her, in the beginnings quite irregularly pulses responded to that very well, she learned by growing life-will and consciousness to dress and to undress again, to re-remember her past life, which she had almost totally forgotten before, read and discussed by loud voice and also singing and dancing SPK-texts. For about three times in all these years she secretly could meet and see again her son, be it only for some hours on secret places, being brought there and returning from there by car, one way about thousand kilometers of distance. As she died ten days before his birthday, Dr. Huber was with her and stayed there also for four days longer, reciting texts, he firstly had learned from her and singing her melodies, all in the manner of a just new founded, new secret work-circle, because there took part by and by also some more female and male Frontpatients, who until now kept silence about, having got disappointed just like the rest, that there didn't happen 1989 later on, instantly enough to guarantee to the deceased their sleep and their utopatheidic dreams, and to care about the survivors.
Just I got a note, done by another SPK patient as there follows:
On every Thursday after the 30 September 1970, the night in which I had belonged to those, who had decided to defend the rooms of SPK by risk of their lives in the case of the expected assault from outside, there was no difference in working there or in Wiesenbach, except that even sometimes in SPK or in my home I had to do or keep my Hegel studies secretly, because of some still strongly Lefty-influenced newcomers, who disapproved my interests. In Wiesenbach I didn't need cautiousness, if I used words like 'identity', 'symbolism', 'ideology', 'sign' or even 'justice', by which those newcomers tried to unmask me as an "idealist". So I couldn't use such words, disregarding who was there in the streets, in my home, in the rooms of the SPK or elsewhere, except in Wiesenbach. There they were trying to produce identity from illness, actions from signs, letters, thoughts and words, tying them back to illness, in order that they get the effectiveness of completeness and permanence. There I experienced and learned some new kind of materialism, exceedingly mechanical materialism, which Marx had criticized, but exceedingly also the, after Marx so-called scientifical socialism. Here they dealt with revolution just here and now, but not by somebody else, like the workers, not somewhere else, like in industry, not some time else in a coming generation. I experienced a revolutionary feeling, feeling no longer constrained to do secret work caused by those eternally criticizing and twaddling vain newcomers, who for the rest, of course had withdrawn, as there had been danger, some days before. Well, it was my fault, that I didn't resist and protest by all my efforts, when they asked also my permission that a newcomer like thus, who also had been among those, who had withdrawn some days before - or even worse, in spite of being invited most urgently to come, be it in time from 700 p.m. or at least whenever they could, be it in the next morning at 530 a.m., they kept away -, that such a newcomer now nevertheless on Thursday came to Wiesenbach in order to take part also there. Perhaps I didn't resist, because I hoped to get justified by that my Hegel studies, needing no longer then to do them secretly. Once more: There I experienced and learned as each other SPK patient who had a deeper interest in questions of the revolutionary turning of illness. Well it was my fault, that I didn't warn against the appearing of a newcomer like thus later on on Thursday to Wiesenbach. Perhaps I hoped that he would change his attitude towards my Hegel studies.
As I remember, it was the newcomer who asked us, what we should have told our lawyers, if we all now were in prison because of the 30 September. Huber first mentioned to the other patients, that the questioner, who now was studying in order to become later on a lawyer, had tried before to study medicine, but failed to continue for having become sick in anatomy, when he had to operate and to regard human cadavers. The newcomer affirmed, that his mother had dreamed about, that he once should become a famous surgeon, like for example Sauerbruch. Then Huber said, that a lawyer ought to know nothing, because lawyers, just like surgeones, just like the named famous Sauerbruch, best act in movies. Then he looked around, watched his wife, just sitting in the corner of the kitchen on the bottom, going asleep, the child on the one hand and female and male patients close to another on the other hand, and continued to say, that the newcomer, if he had been with us on 30 September, he only should have said to his lawyer, that the wife suffered from the fear to lose her husband, planned, in order to regain him, a revolution with Huber for president, had rented a house near the railway, where there lived already 500 criminal persons, being ready to take part at the revolution on, say: 1 January 1973. The wife awoke, asked him, because of what all were laughing about her. Somebody answered, that we were laughing about the lawyers, and soon she got on sleeping. To add, that the named newcomer since then almost every day came to Wiesenbach, cared about the children, who also loved his dog, emerged in the SPK, disappeared, returned here and there, but as I remember him and his nice brown lady-dog, named "Moeffel", he or she never - be it single or be it together - were to be seen or even took part in Thursday evening again, later on.
Well, the by me asked Frontpatient and former SPK patient continued:
The so-called secret circles turned out to be secret from the first minute they emerged. Even for those, who as they said, had been in there. They read their warrants until the line, where there was dealt with the mentioned circles. They stopped their reading, began once more, continued, returned, and seemed to understand absolutely nothing. Such told us their lawyer later on. Ask also Huber about that! He told us in February 1976, just returned from the prison, the same events in his view and asked us to keep it well in memory. The lawyer had come to him, saying, that he just (on 21 July 1971) had shown the warrants to about 4 patients which of course had refused to accept them from the police. Well, the lawyer said to Huber, I know that you all have decided not to collaborate neither with the authorities nor with me, because, as you say, illness has nothing to do with. Nevertheless the fact can't be hidden, that the secret consists in that and in nothing else, that there never has existed a secret or something corresponding. Who are the pigs? Whom you protect by your keeping silent and by your non-collaboration. They are elsewhere and look down on you. Think it over once more.
Remember also, continued the Frontpatient, that no lawyer was allowed by them, to defend them at the court. No need. The court turned health into a weapon, chose Kretz for expert, some other barristers for common-censors and three judgemen for decency-ladies. What there resulted from, was an empty vessel, and so sound, that only illness could overcome and triumphate, because of being elsewhere, for, as all people knew by heart in Germany and up to England: empty vessels make the most sound. So, that for example the judge cried in the secret circles of radio and press, that he took care about his health, because he had to expect doing SPK trials until the end of his life, for no patient was available, when he cried for court (because of their warrants the last two former SPK patients were wanted by strong police efforts, and the last trials took place in 1979), and he never was chosen again, when he appealed by press and radio for more big trials.
For ourselves, especially for me, just a young one at those times, living almost continuously at the town, where that performance took place, the contrast between, say: a scarcely masked military tribunal and my understanding, say: nothing, with whom and especially with what they dealt there, was a, say: little bit strange middle-thing between the poles of curiosity and stupor. The same my teachers, by the way. Just to mention the detail, that they dealt also with a huge blue bag, with tools therein, belonging to the "Wednesday" (!) secret working circle, thus belonging to the "inner circle" = "headquarter - Dr. Huber" in Wiesenbach.
And the bag herself seemed to be very proud about its now aquired honour. Miss-bag-of-the-blue-hours, for so to say, talked stories about a male pupil in the age of mine who, already before SPK had preferred to escape from the upper-school and for entering one of the famed secret circles, having done a very "unsteady" life in the wide world, sometimes using even drugs, one day voluntarily he entered a course about how to become a mechanical, paid by the money let to Dr. Huber from the university, meanwhile visiting quite unsuspiciously his lessons at the upper-school, means, supported therefore also by SPK. The blue bag not only told stories about world-wide adventures. It also did pilgrimages, be it only in my brain, up and down in Wiesenbach and, whoever can tell, all about elsewhere, just like most of the other things, which lay there on the table of the court, and which some Lefty publishers just in July 1972 had classified and listed in detail as stock on hand of the propaganda-catalogues, just as usually distributed by the German capitalist moneymaker Neckermann. By such piously doings the Lefty publishers hoped to get free the three last lacking persons of the SPK, being still in prison, lacking in truth themselves, when the court began, because of falling completely into silence, disregarding also materials about illness, they had got by the SPK long before the first detentions, and last time on the last but one weekend before the 24 June 1971, personally given to them in old Berlin from patients of the SPK.
Well, many years ago, as I remember, perhaps in 1982, I happened to talk with Huber for the second time in my just young life. He also did remember the famous blue bag. It once had belonged to the boy-friend of the then "self"-murdered Marlies Lutz, who was a young craftsman, just having returned from the German army and who had come with her from Cologne (Koeln) to the SPK, staying there with her since, say: April 1970, day and night in order to prevent her from the menace of a new internment into a psychiatric State hospital at Cologne. Some days after 30 September 1970 the above-mentioned newcomer with the brown lady-dog met Huber and asked him about this blue bag, which he had found in the rooms of the SPK, doing there secret researches in the evening, when all who had been there, happened to be off, and he had achieved by persuasion to get the last one also out of the rooms, begging him to provide cigarettes, in spite of he himself, the newcomer, at those times didn't smoke. Huber absolutely knew nothing about the blue bag and about the suspiciously robbery-tools, the newcomer and jurisprudence-student talked him about. Finally Huber decided to keep provisionally this huge blue bag also in the since not yet famous kitchen of the since also no longer "secret headquarter", secret no longer for the newcomer up from the first or second Thursday after the 30 September 1970.
Till the beginning of the trial in November 1972 nobody in the SPK heard about or missed the named blue bag, there included also the boy-friend of Marlies. Conclusion: the blue robbery huge bag had to wait until to the end of the SPK for the then urgently emerging real secret working circles in the clinics, police-headquarters and also in the Righty and Lefty redactions. In spite of being empty then, and consisting scarcely of metallic attribute, because all the tools lay there beside on the judge-table, Misses blue-bag, empty as she was now, also the more sounded her drumfire of health and finally reached the pupil-student, murdered in May 1975 by Swedish and German prison-doctors, but failed to murder illness, which at those times was represented in another prison (Ludwigsburg), working out there the Krankheitsbegriff (see SPK Dokumentation III and ... Anfangen ... about The complete concept of illness).
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
4 December 1993
Here the next pages of the letter. The letter itself meanwhile is finished (on tapes), but the part we sent you until now, is only the half of the entire letter.
Just here to stop for a moment and to throw a glance back to the beginnings of this truly long letter.
Firstly we marked the difference between SPK/PF and all what there followed.
We also explained, why we have broken our silence now and not before.
Of course we meanwhile read your letter repeatedly and especially your questions.
Up to now we answered quite a lot of more questions, telling quite a lot of more details than you even could enter to ask us, while asking questions to ourselves and doing researches, just not having taken down all of them.
We also dealt with truth and whom to trust and whom not to trust, concerning SPK and in the context of illness.
We took down proofs and hints, translating into English, be it only some, but nevertheless essential words, to throw a light upon.
Until now we just can dream about what there could be the mainstream of your intentions concerning your book, especially regarding the few questions, you already asked us, and also including the qualities, related to them. The more questions and the more material, the more possibilities also for us, to select between those, which need to become answered and those, which absolutely are to be rejected, because we, in spite of needing absolutely nothing in favour for ourselves, the more have to care about what strengthens illness and the commonly getting along and forward with it. Not for idealism, not for materialism, but for everday change, for not to say: revolution, here and now and by those who do elsewhere and here. As you wrote in your last letter, you just decided to hold back the more material and the more questions, you already got ready, not to speak of your every sources. Shame? Cui bono, Lenin often asked.
We had to spread out uttermost intimate details about our living together, because you need, following some of your questions, only so to say: internal secrets concerning SPK/PF, slimery secrets therefore, because illness (in German: die Krankheit) is also, in the one or other aspect, a woman, secreting, horribile dictu!, also phlegm. Be it scarcely only for contrast, we there had to deal also with other, more external sources, the latter, if even unable to produce slime and phlegm themselves, the better are able to nourish from it.
Of course it is far from our mind, to do in such a letter agitation against external secret circles, because very seldom we met somebody who doesn't mention, that she or he in no way should need any agitation or enlightenment about it, least by patients. But how to avoid to deal with an administrative director like Wilhelm Ernst who, at the university's clinics, had to care for nothing else, but for the meals, the number of beds and money, the work of the electric circuits and the water circuits, there in use and needed, and for the rest he was the chief secret police-officer, responsible for the campus of the university clinics, now using the corrupt means of a gangster-boss, in order to keep Huber silent and bound again, a small fat gangster-boss, this Wilhelm Ernst who, long before, when Huber had worked as a doctor in the Clinic for Internal Medicine of the university of Heidelberg, asked the chiefs on the wards there, to take his wife to the psychiatry for life-long internment if possible, because she had ceased to be good enough for him (but that is quite another thing, we meanwhile experienced); the named Wilhelm Ernst, neither doctor, nor teacher, nor something else at the university, and therefore out of law to do other things, except those just mentioned, had been, so to say the last useful idiot, behind whom the others could hide. Proof: the mentioned sentence of a so-called legal court in 1975. Ill agitation, sick and foul from bitterness? Quite common social facts, best in use and therefore lacking any interest related to this in the meantime died Wilhelm Ernst? Bullshit! More details wanted, better proofs?
Nevertheless still some details more about the upheaval in the Huber-kitchen some Thursday evening, October 1970. There was no sentence ever against him, no sentence against somebody else, because of Huber-for-president instead of Gustav Heinemann. On the table of the court in November 1972 there lay also the book "How to organize an upheaval" ("Wie man einen Staatsstreich inszeniert". Do you need the name of the author from us, or can you do own researches?). In this book, also discussed and rejected in the SPK, there is dealt with, that you firstly must occupy the most important radio- and television stations, then catch and kill the police-minister and the military minister, then take the command, without caring about any president, without caring about any dirty policeman, without caring about any smart doctor. Just like SPK-Huber, isn't it? If you need more details, say the birth-hour of such a meanwhile died Social-Democratic Party-guy, like the named Gustav Heinemann, ask, but wait. Unimportant to mention also, that such a president in Germany has nothing else to do, but to choose whether he preferred walking here or abroad.
Quite more important seems to us the fact, that the Huber-upheaval-story, learned by the female and male young ones once from the mass-media, by the young ones from once, frontpatients now, still worked as a lucky strike, when they told, that they had been very happy, truly happy at those times, when they learned from the newspapers or from television or radio about those Huber-upheavals all about. Why did the young ones enjoy that so much? Answer: change now! Here! Always! Permanently! By us! By others! Possible! Easy! Just present!
Here we stop this look back. There just climbed tears in our eyes, being for the purpose constrained to confess, that the famous Huber-upheaval-story just also has died, killed by ourselves. Proof: Look at the picture on the back side of our book 'Ueber das Anfangen'. Look at the 'walking president' and do repeat the reproaches from once, that he already in the SPK always was abroad, and didn't care enough about hispeople, for not to say: about "his" patients, neglecting also his wife, who for the rest was a colleague of his, neglecting the whole family and, just worse: sacrifying them all for a revolution, which exceeded, as there said and took down a prosecutor of the court in Karlsruhe (7 November 1972), in dilettantism all thinkable and past revolutionary attemps up to the highest top of imagination and, if it has been done, as there had added the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic against the yet existing SPK: this revolution, if done and successful, would have caused more victims than every past revolution and even more victims than all World Wars together.
If you nevertheless could spend some words about the Huber-upheaval-story as, to say: a middle-thing closer to a tranquilizer than to a speed, such as they are in use in the everyday medicine causing a tremendous lot of damage, be it only by their secondary effects, be it only after decennia of application, suddenly exploding then or having up to then poisoned the bodies up to the degree of no return, well, if you only spend some words about the side-effects, which had been caused by the Huber-upheaval-story just in the time of its beginning, then be quite sure, that the named young ones from once also can agree, as oldies can dry their tears about their having now killed this famous story. But be also aware, that stories done by illness have a strong tendency of being destined never to die, such as false atom-theories do finally, and not before their inventors end their lives, as mentioned in a book of a famous German atom-theorist meanwhile also no more alife. Take it easy, just as we can afford it.
In spite of that there exist yet no proofs about the story, that our 'walking president' like Elias for example will not disappear before the year 2017, we here must insist on the fact, that the patients in the SPK did exercise the proof, that basedeven on illness, be it an awful illness in an aesthetic view, be it a dangerous illness in some sense else, it is possible to live together, awoken and asleep, disregarding all distances of time and space, including even walking presidents, who formerly had done their criminal carreer as doctors and even as psychiatrists. For the rest the named proof was exercised at a time, when there existed in Europe not even the name Symbionese Liberation Army (bravo!). Proof: it didn't appear in any of the warrants against us in July 1971 and so on, and even also not in the mass-media articles against us, in spite of all hostage-taking, secret-working, abroad-walking, guerilla preparing and Huber-for-president-things.
Leaving now the short summary to point 2) and point 1) in this letter, we now turn to point 3), where there is, according to our already announced intention to deal with the two kinds of SPK-theory of revolution, the one arising from the patient in everybody, the other from the doctor in somebody, if he not yet has become totally outcasted by collective doing or if he happens to enter again. (Proof: see '... Anfangen ...', page 30, line 5 - 16: "... to confuse the due whole-world-patients'-collective with a mixture of an upheaval-crime-story and a family drama in the style of BILD-newspaper "reports" on the sayings of a witness for the prosecution, a doctors' patient, who had taken back his sayings for several times."). Well, the latter "theory" we just made vanish, but we hope to meet it again in your book, be it for the last time, be it not for the last time.
What about the true theory of revolution, true, because tied to illness, we are quite aware, that in your book you, perhaps, can only touch upon the one or the other aspect of it. That is neither the fault of you, nor the fault of competence in you or in whom ever who writes or wrote about, including ourselves. In all theories, as you can take from the name:theory, there is involved God (theos, greek, = God), God as realizing (theo-rea...y) him-, her- or itself by own means. People don't like theories, it is more liked to like oneself. But a doctor as a philosopher becomes a God (greek: íatros gar philosophos isotheos). No, people in the New World don't so much enjoy theories. May be it needs revolution, but not theories of it, least those of patients, perhaps. Proof: I have here a note out of our collective memories, written down in August 1968, done in the Allan Memorial Hospital of Montreal (I hope my spelling of this name is correctly done). "For dollars you here can gain all theories, especially those made in Germany, where there all begins with a theory. But here in Canada quite on the contrary. As for your polyclinical work (to add: in Germany, relating here about) that is quite another thing. It could become a revolutionary help for the miners in asbestos-mines and for their families. Most of them need our psychiatric care. Well, stay here, begin!" (Look: "... Canada ...", page 129, line 13; p. 117, line 7/8: "... frontier between Canada and America ..."; both in: 'Ueber das Anfangen').
Well, and nevertheless. For your book the patients' theory of revolution doesn't need so much display (efforts; Aufwand). You already mentioned in your last flyer "illness is resistance". Indeed: the core of our theory of revolution. Perhaps some reader of your book will ask herself/himself: from where results this statement, what were the axioma, the presuppositions, the hypotheses, shortly: from where got the patients the starting point to believe in a scientifically never proven statement like that? Answer: they started from the point thatnothing is more theoretic than practice. Proof: your own suffering how to gain your life, how to do your social relations, demanding sophisticated plannings and strategies, becoming punished sooner or later, if you forget to care about. If it is so, and if you can agree, there rests only the problem, how to explain it to the readers in short and good words. To regard therefore the named axiom, first be aware that there now lacks all about illness in this axiom. It is not easy to say the date, when the patients became aware about this axiom. But it was not in the Psychiatric Polyclinic and not after 1968. It was at any rate in their homes or in the streets, when they had their discussions with Huber, who since then lived with them. Discussions before, during or after manifestations and political events there all around. The named events in any case turned out to be in some way practicated theories. Before, during and after each action theories, fragments of theories sometimes, while the action, while the event by tendency a nothing, a 'blow up' (title of a famous movie at those times). It was a quite simple thing to tie illness to the named axiom, because when being in the clinic, before, during and after, there were just the same experiences. In the streets the own theories of life turned out to be twaddle, and in the clinics the same, concerning the theories of the patients of their illness. The praxis of the doctor coincided with the always gaining theories of illness. Therefore our above mentioned axiom once more: nothing is more theoretic than practice. What about the authors of the medical theories of the ever illness? They were not there, for either they had died or not done. What about the authors of the theories of revolution? Just the same. Soon the since involved patients - encouraged by Huber, who at those times (two or three years before the beginning of the SPK) indeed was their doctor, but then ceased to be even in public - began to trust more in their own theories of illness, and from there arose illness as protest and resistance, thus: illness as the root or radix of a theory of revolution. Please therefore note, that from all of the beginning, and from quite remote from the beginning of the SPK, there is dealt with practice against theory, neither practizing theory, nor theorizing practice for, to say it once more: nothing is more theoretic than practice. The theory of revolution in the SPK therefore never has been the product of some lonely armchair philosopher, be it a doctor in the clinic, be it a criminal in prison. It resulted from a so to say metaphysical warfare against other theories, resulting from this warfare a new theory of revolution, say: an instant-theory, an everybody-theory, an everytime-theory, an allround-theory, a just starting instant theory of revolution. At those times there resulted quite a lot of flyers about it, some of which are collected in our documentations, others at our disposition, others even mentioned in researches and documents of our doctor- & Nazi-enemies. Only some enemies of nowadays, friends from before, seemingly there did never experience about. The leading woman from IZRU for example, who always was with the doctors and the lawyers and against the truth of SPK, as we in detail mentioned it on the first 9 pages of this letter, in those times always was very proud of herself, because she used to use the SPK-theory of revolution only for the one purpose, to check-up newcoming people, whether they were apt to take part in RAF-groups or in nothing else. This detail is of some importance now, because by that she approves, that there existed a theory of revolution in SPK, while later on others of her friends from since took down in their published twaddle, that they never had learned something about that there had even existed an SPK-theory of revolution.
If you, Dear Trevor, now ask us about the Krankheitsbegriff (The Concept of Illness) and the date of its having been taken down by Huber, you need, last not least for truth of your readers, least to mention also data and details about the mentioned axiom and its interrelationship with the germ of our theory of revolution, working within and without the Psychiatric Polycliniclatest since 1968. If you do so, your readers can be enabled to learn and to experience something, if you do not, nothing. When they learn, that up to this moment we continue to be in revolution just as since, then that is something and not nothing, because they themselves can do it in their own way, and on that depends all. Up from their starting, they will develop a lot of resistance against theories, including such of revolution, a resistance, which we ourselves could only gain and maintain by a lot of expense. They also can learn, that a theory of revolution, based on illness, coincides with producing revolutionary theoretical effects, which are in no way theoretical, because the effects of them resist to time, space and reality, except truth. Perhaps some of your readers then will care no longer of the question, if there is to be done the revolution on 1 January 1973, if 1 January 1973 once will return again. Also some of your readers perhaps take no interest in the correct answer to the question, if the leader of those, who menaced the patients to come and struck them down by iron sticks, was Mehdi Padamsee (spelling taken from one of their flyers) from the Socialist Students' Union in Heidelberg, or whether the name of him, who really ran behind SPK patients and really struck them down once, was Auny, once the chief of the Foreigner Students' Office in the university of Heidelberg, cowardly fleeing, when some patients next day came to him and Huber among them (about June 1970) and did nothing, but ask his name; or, when in the second or be it in the third night of our occupation there in July 1970, the Rector of the university had ordered a formerly Nazi-prisoner to watch the doors, because someone had alarmed the named Rector Rolf Rendtorff, that a group of Neo-Nazis, mostly occupied in para-police professions, had planned an assault against the SPK patients, the doctors of the clinic of course there behind them, and so on, and so on. Still we remember a lot of details, and a lot of materials then to be researched again, for it waits here and then. But do you really think, that all of the readers of your book in future expect those questions correctly answered, in spite of knowing to the abundance, that he or she who marks her- or himself as a patient or even as a Frontpatient, doesn't seem to belong so very to a cast of persons, whom for example in India nobody is permitted to meet, without inclining to the bottom of the earth.
For the rest the mentioned names like Mehdi Padamsee and Auny need not to become mentioned in your books with regard to the readers, because the (Padamsee or Auny) named persons are of no interest at all and in the context of your book could only serve to withdraw the interest of the readers from other things of more importance and extend about SPK. Padamsee in no way belonged to the SPK and so also didn't Auny. The first, a black coloured man who, before the SPK, was among the students who belonged to the Institute of Mathematics (please esteem my cautious manner of description), but after the SPK he worked there as some kind of assistant of an assistant and got money for his work from the named chief of the university Prof.Dr. Rolf Rendtorff, who was the chief at those times say, until 1972, a good chief for those persons like the two mentioned here because, especially if they had belonged to a socialist students' circle, like Padamsee (Rolf Rendtorff himself and Kretz were Social Democratic Party, as to repeat here). Also Padamsee had suffered some kicks by the police in 1968. As they told because of racism. Once more you can see here, that, be it even axiomatically: nothing is more theoretic but practice. Maybe Padamsee also enjoyed theories a little bit , for he had chosen mathematics once. But in our eyes he was, like all the others, the victim of theories, which had neither to do with life, nor with revolution. Against Auny, chief of the students' office for foreigners (Auslaender-Referat der Universitaet Heidelberg beware all the other details, see pictures and words about that, and Mrs.Dr. Huber could there fill books about!), now, about Auny there is to tell here about another "theory" linked to SPK, he became a victim of. Having been alarmed also he by the chief of the university, Rolf Rendtorff, when the patients had occupied his chief rooms in the Heidelberg university in July 1970, he came there for a glance. Some women of the SPK were sitting on the bottom, disregarding their pants. But Auny must regard, inclining himself almost down to the bottom, because he was a giant of a fat man. Disregarding her menstruation also, the one of the SPK women had joint on this morning of occupation. Auny said, that he now had become the less ready to do anything in favour of the SPK, because, so his words, the SPK women were so dirty. Even Huber, who lived with the patients now there could do nothing against, quite on contrary to his having put to flight this Auny some time ago (see above). Reason? Here had taken place the collision of two quite different theories, well theo-rea...ies, literally two different sights down to the bottom of identity and antagonism: our theory, still at those times producing revolutionary effectiveness (proof: you even can't hinder its entering your mind just now and also you can't hinder the consequences, even if you keep secret about it) on the one hand and on the otherthe theory of the mentioned Auny, caused by doctors and causing death, for we were later on told, that the struck woman who therefore left the SPK and never returned, died in the drug scene. Perhaps not superfluous to mention, that the chief of the university, the Rector Rolf Rendtorff, who was an evangelic priest and even the cultus-minister, far away in Stuttgart, in the government, if they had been there, could have nothing done against, the sinner-your-name-is-wife theorist Auny, who for the rest was a practicating moslem, in public.
Now it is again my turn, to take down some details all around your question about the struggle of the SPK to become an institution at the university of Heidelberg. Long ago, between 1973 and 1974, a person, which you also mention in your schedule, since still in prison, broke the SPK silence about it and addressed (via lawyer) to the RAF-group, being also in prison, and denied this by the latter group often repeated "reproach" against SPK. Indeed they stopped and never repeated. But there still must exist somebody, who takes an interest to maintain the named "theory". Why? In the cold light of day there follows from this "theory" again something like "Huber-for-President", be it not even God. Well, already in 1969 Huber had proclaimed to trade unions, student unions and other political unions, that "all clinics with all there around in truth belong to the patients and to nobody else ..." (see: '... Anfangen ...', page 137, line 15 - 17). At those times Huber was still the "doctor of his patients", because he hadn't yet entered the SPK, for it did not yet exist. But when it existed, the patients, and Huber among them, occupying the chief-leader's rooms in the university in July 1970 repeated their demands, insisting, that the patients, representing the university, immediately had to become enabled to control money, doctors and there all around of the clinics (see: SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON, page 33).It was the university, which now proposed to the patients, that the SPK should become an institution at the university. But Huber, and particularly Huber, was the only among the patients, who even not had been ready to discuss this proposal, as had asked him the leader of the university, Prof. Rolf Rendtorff, the rector, and his people. Afterwards they told nevertheless, that he had accepted this proposal, because his wife, Mrs. Dr. Huber had there been about, when the other SPK patients discussed with the rector, and that therefore it had been done in a juridical sufficient form, that the SPK now should become attached finally to the university of Heidelberg. But for luck, the doctors immediately took measures against it and therefore the named proposal failed and for the rest the State government submitted itself to the doctors and helped them against the SPK patients, ready to put into action all available means against them, be it blinded cars and combat tanks (Kampfpanzer). What does this mean in the view of the SPK-theory of revolution? First please remember the core, the hard core, the in no way secret core of this theory: "there is nothing more theoretic than practice". The patients quite simply wanted to see the university destroyed, all existing universities. They in truth never could struggle for the aim to become there attached. They had founded since years ago their own quite inconspiculous (unscheinbare) world-university and took it for the best, even regarding common wealth and health.
Not lazy, they didn't wait till to the next Wednesday-secret-work-circle or to a later on Thursday-such. They distributed their flyers directed against each universitary discipline as governed by the doctors'-theory instead of the patients'-theory-of-revolution (look SPK Dokumentation II, page 161: "... theology ... religious mania ..." "... mathematics ... passionate dialectical proceeding ..."). Again the doctors were at a loss for answer. Still until now. Another example in this context: just from the beginnings in March/April 1970, the SPK patients had not only to cry for medicaments, they did neither need nor apply, for telephone, which they only needed because of assurance and security, shortly spoken: symbolically. They also had to cry for money, money, money, because the university first had promised to pay, say: an alm, but now refused, submitting to the orders of the doctors. Good people came and offered a lot of money for the patients to Huber. Huber refused to accept, but begged them to transfer it to the university-rector-Rendtorff, to be used only in favour of the SPK. The patients collectively went to the university and asked chief Rolf Rendtorff for money. Again he answered, that he lacked money for purposes like SPK. The patients addressed to the good people, who had done the gifts in favour of the SPK to chief Rolf Rendtorff. Chief Rolf Rendtorff and not only he by that became constrained to admit, that he was like a hostage (our words) in the hands of the doctors like the entire university thus, not even daring to do something against. One of the good people lived abroad and by that Sartre for example and also an old physicist, who had gained once the price of Nobel, were always good informed, about what there happened at the university of Heidelberg, since the first month, when there had started SPK, in spite of their never having taken part in a so-called "secret working circle of the SPK" or even in an agitation group. Not easy to imagine?
Sartre in his youth had many interests in boxing studies. From that he had learned, told in our own words the just abundantly mentioned "the most theoretical is practice". Later on, in his big volumes on dialectical reason ('critique of ...', in German first published after the SPK, but known since long ago), he writes about it, that for example a champion in the ring, if he forgets theory, be it just for a moment, is knocked out for some hours or forever. And that he or she, who doesn't care about collectivity, because not all persons there around, imprisoned like himself, imprisoned like herself, are sympathical, well educated or beautiful and healthy, sooner or later will become aware of, that he will even risk his life. Now remember the formulapatients' warfare, respectively people's warfare of the SPK round the clock, mentioned since the first pages of this letter here and then. And, for truth, all industries, and even learn-industries like universities, belonging to the iatro-capitalist system, as we say nowadays, still had gone in the eyes of the patients months and years before the real beginning of SPK. And about money? Scarcely in prison Huber was ordered to pay the coals of another doctor from Heidelberg, also named Huber. Of course he refused (August 1971), because in spite of having lived with patients and as a patient, he ever had payed not only for his own coals. Also had done his wife, for truth. And more and more "Huber" have grown up since then in SPK/PF. None of them prefers paying for doctors instead of patients warfare there against.
Back to the proto-typical patients'-theory of revolution. It still lacks the most important hint, that a person, affected by this theory can transform into a passionate devil, a she or a he, who therefore risks all, except for her or his passion for illness*. Is illness a passion for passion, or is a passion for passion different from illness at any rate? You can stop it, but not escape returning. Well, only for purpose here. Some doctors also used against the patients theories like those: "It's not even easy for healthy people to suppress their drives and to put a delay between drive and satisfaction. SPK patients quite on the contrary cried for becoming a universitary institution and couldn't wait. They cried for money and couldn't wait, because they were patients. They cried for revolution and couldn't wait, because they were patients." To add: president, God. Who cries? They cried for doctors and the doctors cried for patients and after the SPK they even dropped crocodile tears, which until now have not dried, except the salt within (salt = salus = health and wealth); crocodile tears in German means: the tears of a crocodile, which drop down from its eyes, when it has devoured its prey and doesn't achieve to assimilate it. Thus a reaction, sometimes a revolution if, say: the crocodile fails to vomit its prey back). Yes, our theory of revolution reaches an extend up from an axiom up to Godhead and up from the later '60s up to nowadays, including the core problems to be resolved during the next thousand years (see: 'Ueber das Anfangen', page 31, second line from beneath: "program point No 1 of next millenary, conquered by anticipation done by the Patientenfront still in the '70s").
passion seeking the most secret unknown, a middle-thing between woman, child and man, hidden in ages and cancer of mind and body, causing mania, while seeking for rage (Sucht), superior to all other passions like opium and game of hazard and luck, for example.
Maybe, there exist some more readers of your book in whose eyes the iatro-capitalist system also has ceased to exist since decennia. It will turn out, if you write about it in your book. If not, the more, the less? You never can tell before. If we don't forget, we add some proofs to this letter, from which you can be assured and also perhaps your readers, that the patients' theory of revolution already existed before the SPK had begun. Applications, applications, as we repeat and from that the expressions for the every purpose in the flyers, not yet to find in the SPK-documentations, because there not yet existed an SPK. We already mentioned that our doing about it in collectively done reading and abolishing (aufhebend) all the other theories of revolution, which were at those times and later on available for us (remember the books on the table in the court in November/ December 1972) and look also the photo-documents about it in the German SPK literature, especially in 'Kleinkrieg ...', page 60, as I just remember). During the time of SPK itself there we mainly dealt also with the revolutionary and the reactionary moment of the every expression of illness, especially developed for the purposes of single- and group agitation. On page 196 of the 'SPK-Dokumentation II' you find for example the words "Begriff von Krankheit" (idea = concept of illness) as the first headline of some pages which then follow there, published in May 1971. If you ask, whether the Krankheitsbegriff was taken down by Huber in 1975, we therefore must answer, that he first and long before the SPK began, had to take down the patients' theory of revolution, just as mentioned, discussed, proved and taken down here in this letter.
The patients' theory of revolution, the same as the Krankheitsbegriff, is and has been a complete theory, every part within in accordance to the other and vice versa. (In German we say: "geschlossene Theorie der Revolution" and I am not quite sure, if it is correctly spoken to say 'complete', 'universal' or something like that for "geschlossen". At any rate, that's no case of secondary importance, whether to use the correct word or data or not. Please ask if there are difficulties in matter, whether you need to decide the one way or the one word or another. Just a hint more: "geschlossen" doesn't mean: "closed" at all, but is some closer to: all-including.) Fragments of SPK-theory of course passed to be published from the moment when patients had pinned them up also on their blackboards in the entrance of Psychiatric Polyclinic (up from January 1970) or in the SPK. Already before the times of SPK they were distributed in Heidelberg and in other towns and also they were collected to be published for example as our documentation-books at the times of SPK. More about that see: 'Ueber das Anfangen', page 26, line 9ff from beneath: "... Krankheitsbegriff ... back to the midst of the '60s years." For your readers a note about it also could be helpful, because there are "friends" of that time, who now are very busy to make believe the readers, including them in South America, that there never existed something like a theory of revolution in the SPK.
Now we are perhaps fairly well prepared to care about the warrants as in question in your letter, and we thereon hope that it has not been too boring for you, to follow us in this letter up to here. The number of warrants against SPK patients from the beginning on 24 June 1971 differed, spoken mathematically correct, between zero and countable endless. You may take from that, that there was a of course secret circling interest of, medically spoken, diagnoses behind. First, on 24 June 1971 they came with pistols, automatic machine guns and helicopters, but had no warrants. Look also the cars for imprisonment on the picture of page 29 in 'Kleinkrieg ...' and Huber from the back, beneath on the left on this picture. During the following months, until say: to the beginnings of 1972, there came, sometimes every fortnight to each patient now imprisoned, a new warrant. Thus a countable endless number of warrants by and by came together, as already mentioned, in each of the about 11 prisons, where the patients now were taken in solitary confinement. You see by that, that the doctors behind the police had taken uttermost precaution to suffocate the agitating voice of illness. Simultaneously the reports in the mass media, which completely were hold back against the imprisoned patients at those times, got a tendency to divide between patients in the SPK, who had known absolutely nothing, namely almost the entire SPK, and patients who had known all, but kept it secret. Thus: the doctors, secretly behind and above the authorities, struggled by all efforts, to regain their sick-goods (Krankengut), namely the entire SPK, except those in prison, destined in their eyes for Nazi-euthanasia, the herold-victims of which also had been the patients and not the jews and the communists, as nearly nobody remembers nowadays. Proof: a court-reporter ("legal correspondent") in Winter 1972/73 publicly thought about that prisoners like the three of the SPK there at the court in Karlsruhe were not worth a sentence in a democratic republic, but, badly to say (his own words) to become treated in such a way and by the same methods, which still many people in Germany don’t like to remember (Heidelberger Tageblatt, 11.11.1972, "Ulrich Huettner"). On the other hand there must be mentioned, that nobody was surprised, for not to say: nobody felt guilty, when the detentions were done. In spite of having been warned repeatedly from the beginnings of June 1971, nobody had prepared his flight and nobody cared about. Quite on the contrary the patients reinforced their efforts, persecuting spies in the streets, looking out for hiding places, taking there their materials, attacking doctor-theories in other towns, for example in Berlin on the last but one weekend before 24 June 1971, Huber among them as you mentioned, but not giving lectures, except agitations, contacting and unmasking chief-lefty leaders also in Eastern Berlin and so on. Since before the SPK they had learned to trust in illness, instead of trusting in some other way of life, and therefore they were convinced to get along even with prison, more than ever. There above they regarded it as their task, for not to say: as their revolutionary duty to prove in public, that illness could resist against all psychiatrists and doctors and that also their SPK-theory of revolution could resist against them. For they knew, that not only detentions and warrants were to expect, but also psychiatric reports.
And they came in Winter 1971/72, but soon withdrew with damage, after the first vain attempts. The judge of the court in consequence ordered some psychiatric clinics to put an end to this blame. But also there, the chief doctors refused to receive any of those "famous" SPK patients in their fine clinics. So the judge could do nothing else, but to laud the good mental health of his SPK prisoners in public and to continue his preparing the trial.
It took place in November 1972. Up from the second day there governed the psychiatrist Dr. Helmut Kretz, transformed by the judge from a witness against the patients into an expert. But also Kretz withdrew as soon as possible, because he had explained there, that testimonies done under high doses of drugs like Haloperidol*, were apt to produce truth in the trial, because the then inquired person felt relaxed and free of inhibitions enough to confess. The court felt disgraced and blamed as a modern witch tribunal and the colleagues of Kretz all over in the Republic had become angry with him about that. So also Kretz, disgraced, blamed and ridiculed at the court, felt sick, withdrew as soon as possible and never returned.
for example Haloperidol. See Butyrophenon, see Phenothiazine, in the Patientenfront's book: 'Hunde, wollt ihr ewig sterben?' (KRRIM - PF-publisher for illness)
Well, there are many examples in history, that persecuted people didn't care about persecution, because there were better and more important things as even life to do and to expect. But in our case also the persecutors didn't care a rap for importance, regarding the warrants, about which you ask us. With warrants (on 20./21. July 1971) the same as without warrants (on 24 June 1971) and also since the beginnings of SPK they ran at least behind the same patients, namely such, who had marked themselves always in public as patients. They ran behind the revolutionary identity produced by illness in a collectively done effort. They couldn't realize it, but the more defame by their criminalist theories, just like the doctors from the first of all beginnings by their medical theories.
From the about one dozen persons from 24 June 1971 they kept two in prison and added to them another person, caught in the same night, but never in the SPK. Because of solidarity the SPK patients also struggled by manifestation and by support for the third person in prison. He was released about 1 year later, the sentence had failed and he got money for compensation. The two patients of the SPK, a female and a male, were separated, became separated once more, carrying them to two different prisons. The first warrants against them came within the first fortnight. More warrants then after. Among the SPK patients, provisionally detained ("taken in custody", "voruebergehend festgenommen", so the words of the authorities) on 24 June 1971 there also were some, who later on were in the IZRU and more later on were also sentenced, but not because of the SPK. Summary: 2 warrants against SPK patients, also sentenced because of SPK during the following years until 1979. To add: 7 warrants against those who were imprisoned on 20 July 1971, thus 9 warrants. Two more patients of the SPK, not available on 20 July, but imprisoned also because of not caring about prisons (see above), thus 2 warrants more, thus 11 warrants against patients of the SPK. One SPK patient abroad until 1974, but then also imprisoned and, as in the course of this turned out, also by a warrant against him, prepared also between 24 June and 20 July 1971. Summary: 12 warrants, if you add: 0 + 2 + 0 + 7 + 2 + 1. But 13 warrants for firstly, if you there add the money-compensated person from 24 June, which you perhaps must add, because not the money, but he himself had spent his time and lost his existence in prison. For the rest, and in order to speak truly, you must say, that there came together about 3 dozen warrants against about 1 dozen SPK patients, some of them meanwhile dead, but some others only abroad. And if you there will add the medical reports, which, in one or in the other way, also are warrants, and even sometimes life-long warrants, last not least, you must add some half a dozen more. But that is your choice, because our decision about that never needed a choice. Perhaps some cabbalists among your readers will enjoy the just and for the first time listed game on numbers.
Of course the readers also will enjoy the, say: dancing warrants, better: the warrants' dance, especially if they also experience, that the imprisoned patients also always in prison, took them, handled by a simple policeman, by a high prosecutor or even by the more higher judge of the court, only in their hands in order to tear them or to crumple them up, before they then threw them either in the air or to the bottom, then turning their backside to the every conveyer. Look at the picture on page 49 in 'Kleinkrieg ....': there you see in the foreground a young patient, just caught in his home, now surrounded and fastened there by a complot of police officers in civil clothes, trying to give him a lecture by spelling the warrant against him, because they still were adverted, from 24 June 1971, what there would happen with the warrant, if they handed it over to him.
The warrants had only some weight in the hands of the authorities and most weight in the hands of the doctors there behind and above. But in the hands of the patients they had less weight than a piece of paper or say a feather. What they got about them resulted from their lawyers or from gossip and twaddle about them.
The just mentioned warrants' dance caused a lot of twaddle, especially among all the common prisoners and in all the prisons of the State at those times. Just a, say, common prisoner from since, who now sometimes enters KRANKHEIT IM RECHT/PF told me, just as I only mentioned SPK, that in those remote times they got a lot of fun and malicious joy (Schadenfreude) against the authorities. Because of the "fucking flood of warrants against the imprisoned SPK" and also because of the years there between the detentions and the beginning of trial, they had the impression, that there had been absolutely nothing behind. Nothing but a criminal conspiracy of doctors and their secret working circles, as to add.
For the rest the young patient on the picture in straight consequence since 1975 is dead, his death then caused by doctors, who were responsible for him in prison. Yes, there is much entertainment enclosed for the readers all about the warrants. But regarding the readers we neither look to divert them nor to make them suffer respectively to all, what there had to suffer the SPK. We should be glad, if the readers from the beginning could be encouraged for more trust in the strength of illness, for more radicalism in convictions and for more sufficiency with their own proceedings about it as we ourselves ever had. In our opinions those things and some more are not only good and possible, but also necessary. Most of the other patients' groups in our surroundings and also as we experience from U.S.A. by reports and reviews available for us, are governed by doctors and doctor-theories, and even seem to be proud of this fact, looking down to us, if they even realize like say: professionals do regarding dilettants or bad educated children. Therefore in our eyes it is necessary to care about, that the readers develop resistance, genuine resistance from illness against doctors and their theories, becoming also enabled to reject doubts and so-called criticisms, the real foundation of which is iatrocapitalism and iatrarchy (remember all about 'nothing is more theoretical than practice', as mentioned here in this letter) instead of being founded on pathopractique out of the SPK-theory of revolution in the Krankheitsbegriff (concept of illness).
If the awareness of the readers becomes occupied by warrants, prisons, death and misery, the reactionary moment of illness there will be activated, the reactionary moment, which at least also tends to accelerate the decay of the system, and therefore in a dialectical sense also facilitates revolution, but only at the cost of misery for the greatest number and in favour of only so-called theories of revolution.
For truth, we often and often experienced and latest again, when our book '... Anfangen ...' appeared, that people say: "wonderful", "bravo", "go on", and even quite more applause and esteem. But there was also included, quite spontaneously expressed, not to risk detention, prison, death. Well, we on our part, know since long ago, that if the case should occur there exists the decision, taken by the authorities to bore patients from the SPK/PF ne bis in idem with prisons or even with psychiatric hospitals. Therefore, what there is about, concerning your readers, they should be enabled by your book also to learn and to remember that for about 2000 years Christian people of nowadays must not end just like the first christs, but quite on the contrary other people sometimes, as we can take from history. That is, maybe the crucial point, literally spoken. Told in other words, there is to say, that warrants, prisons and personal destines are common matters of fact like to eat, to drink, to sleep, like day and night, sunshine and rain, while SPK, itself in many aspects, say in most of its aspects, doesn't differ so much from such common things. Consequently all about SPK depends on some specific properties, which were in the world for a moment, not before and not later on, while prisons, warrants and so on stay to be banalities, and nobody cares or doesn't care about, be it only occasionally. For occasion about entertainment-industry, there was in use in the SPK a publication, done by Huber in 1968/69 about the philosophic, economic and cultural aspects of anxiety as a raw material in the capitalist system, necessary for its gaining profits (see also '... Anfangen ...', p. 143, line 9ff from beneath: "... explosives also on the tables in the SPK rooms, used as test materials about anxiety, mentioned later on in the files of the police ... already before SPK an explosive publication", from which there still those times arose "reproaches against Huber as a "communist" in the eyes of his colleagues, there among also Japanese psychiatrists as the protagonists of the mentioned "communism"-diagnosis", line 11 from beneath on page 144. The named publication only in German is taken down in 'SPK Dokumentation III'). Again you may see from that, how closely all things in the SPK, even explosives (nitro-penta and nitro-celluloses in an amount of some milligrams in the mentioned case) were tied to illness, instead of being tied to capitalist purposes. Also you may see from that until now never published detail, how we were practising our SPK theories of revolution so to say: chemically pure from keeping secret in a quite emphatic manner and we not even ever could have dreamed about to elaborate theories in order to mask criminal intentions. For, as to remember, all other theories of revolution, if revolution doesn't gain, must suffer the reproach, that they have been worked out for nothing else, but for talking one's way out of something (Ausreden) at court. Nothing about that in the context of SPK. You can take all these notes also as a hint therefore, that you yourself can best decide, what can be important for your readers, close enough to illness, distant enough from entertainment and diversion, which for the rest they better can take from everyday newspaper articles, popular scientifical periodica and from science fiction.
The more it is our turn to write now excessively and as detailed as possible about it, for only then you are enabled to select between informations, which are specific for the true SPK context and able to cast a light on it and on other informations from your sources, still unknown to us, which may be and as we hope at least are truely spoken, but nevertheless serving iatro-capitalist interests. We also will do our best to avoid superfluous repetitions, while following only the relative abundance of our notes, memories and documents, avoiding even to throw a glance into secondary literature about SPK. Concerning the latter, we think it for better, to do it afterwards and also we hope, that you will remember and critizise us, if there arise untolerable contradictions between. Perhaps and not only for completeness we also should mention here, that there still are also copies of some files of the court and of the police at our disposition, while the originals following German law, as a rule can be and therefore must be destroyed, if correctly done, latest 15 years after the trial, that means that there is, latest since 1987 tabula rasa.
First to say, that all the warrants and all the sentences in the context of SPK agreed on the one point that there should have existed in the SPK a criminal conspiracy or say: a criminal association (German: "Kriminelle Vereinigung"), which, according to the Penal Code (in German: Strafgesetzbuch), can be punished by prison in an extend from between half a year to 5 years. I just will attempt to cite here the mentioned paragraph 129 of the Penal Code (§ 129 StGB), just as I have it in memory: "He, who founds a criminal association, being a leader, a member, a helper or a supporter there, the aim of which consists in that, to commit criminal delicts, is to be punished ... (look before). In less heavy cases ..." (follows something about between nothing and money).
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
many thanks for your drafts and the books of Callahan. You’re right, the soup tastes better than potatoes, carrots, onions and so on.
Here enclosed the next pages of our letter and also the enclosures mentioned in the former part of this letter (compare: " if we don’t forget ...", we did indeed).
To add, that there is not automatically dealt with crimes in this § 129, because a crime in the juridical definition is something, which only is there in the world, if you get therefore at least one year of prison. To mention here also, that this § 129 originated from one of the last German emperors, namely from 1871, created because of and against the first socialist associations. To mention also that in the since 1945 democratic republic of Germany (FRG) the SPK patients were the first group sentenced by means of this paragraph.
None of the SPK patients from 24 June and from 20 July 1971 became punished or released from punishment because of having been only a sympathizer, means: a helper or a supporter. The highest judge and a lot of prosecutors in their sentences and their warrants had detected in their "criminal association" nothing else but "members", "leaders" and also a chief, being simultaneously the founder. Thus they had finally "detected" all, what they needed to found and to sentence a "criminal conspiracy". What is the difference between a chief and a member, for example? Quite simple. Take a member of about 18 years, well experienced by journeys to many countries and also top intelligent by formation and trade (artisan skills). Can such a person be the chief or founder of a "criminal association"? Never, if there exists somebody else, who has 17 years more of age and a family and a lot of children and a lot of titles. O.k., be it so, and so it was.
The SPK patients, and there was nobody else in the SPK except patients, especially those from 24 June and 20 July 1971 now had become criminals, because in the eyes of the highest judge and formerly in the eyes of the prosecutors and some less high judges they agreed to all things and roles, demanded by the § 129 for a "criminal association". For at last 12 persons all in all got 22 years of prison, two of them four and a half years, some three years*, all of them, including even the adolescents, not less than 6 months, because as you also have to know, the power of the existing judiciary consists last not least in its ability to differentiate and to divide. Twentytwo years were spent in the prison up to the last day, and for the authorities, that means for the supporters, helpers, sympathizers and so on and so on of the doctors, the big thing was not achieved until 1979, because of the causes already mentioned above (the SPK patients kept absent from the court, hidden, emigrated and so on).
Some of the patients, e.g. Huber, WD, during the 4 1/2 years was displaced from prison to prison 10 times, 2 times within the same prison from one cell to another.
And was there lodged an appeal against the "sentence"? Of course, there was. The lawyers of the patients in prison had been well prepared by them. Though there existed only the possibility to raise objections against faults of form to the court of appeal, which was the final instance in this trial, just and only against faults like such, the patients had found and accumulated a lot of arguments and handed them over to their lawyers.
But in December 1973, when the appeal court had decided in a secret assembly, lasting about 7 minutes (taken from press), then there arrived in prison the sentence of rejection and enclosed also the some lines, which the lawyers had lodged before. None of the arguments, worked out by the patients, therein. The lawyers, asked for an explanation about that used excuses (talked themselves out of it) and told, that IZRU had decided, that the SPK now was over and that the lawyers must care about the "more important problems of other groups". For the rest they had been reminded by the leading girl of the IZRU, who, just for that purpose had cited a so-called collectively taken IZRU-decision, there based on the event (see "Kleinkrieg ...", page 142-148, see also p. 136) that a lawyer of the SPK until December 1971 had been excluded from defence of the patients for some weeks by the court and also from visiting them in prison, because of having conveyed SPK agitation from the prison to outside. Therefore the lawyers talked their way out of it and declared, that up from now they were forbidden because of "political reasons of the IZRU" even to remember the word SPK in public. Thus finally the doctors in their secret working circles in and all around IZRU succeeded in founding and establishing the "criminal association (within) SPK". That's all, of which contained all the warrants and all the sentences against the SPK patients, and the point on which they all agreed, and in which the warrants and also the sentences succeeded till to the last instance, and here in this letter is also for the first time dealt with the "reasons", to use this word mentioned above ("... reasons of the IZRU").
Being in truth, say: in illness' collectivity, the "criminal association" in the warrants survived the end of the trials, be it only by means of 22 years of prison and some other consequences there related to, mentioned before in this letter. A so-called "urban guerilla", which also figured in each warrant, having been in truth, say and repeat: the first patients people's warfare in permanence, didn't survive the end of the trial, in spite of having been a very useful means in the hand of the persecutors to keep the patients in prison. About that is to say, that the chief prosecutor after the trial had to admit in public his failing about it, be it only because of the one circumstance, that they for mistake had "destroyed the SPK, before it could reach the underground", say, the bottom of urban guerilla (remember also the upheaval-story). Technically spoken, the urban-guerilla-story thus had fallen back into the criminal-association-story waiting for resurrection.
And the resurrection took place. For half a dozen years later on, there appeared in Germany the new law against the new "terrorist associations" (§ 129a, "criminal association" there replaced by "terrorist organization"). And just as you know, the SPK now had resurrected as a "terrorist group". Proof: your first flyer. With regard to the readers of your book we therefore feel constrained to ask us the question how to show to the reader patients-people of SPK by some kind of physiognomic description, in order to enable the reader to recognize SPK/PF patients and to distinguish them among a lot of urban guerillas, which if you recognize them, that is the proof, that they never have been urban guerillas and terrorists, whom you best can meet in hospitals, lazarettos and sick bays if you go there as a doctor-patient. (Remember also, that it was the US-citizen Benjamin Rush who, about some hundred years ago, first used the formula: therapeutic terror).
Well, as we know from outside (secondary literature) patients-people in their permanent patients people's warfare ("Volkskrieg hier!") from the first moment and just by a glance are detectible, recognizable, distinguishable in the every population because of their image of sniper girls or gun women (some anal symbolism there included?) and Knight Templars behind the more or less deep traces of their having formerly been doctor-patients. As 'sniper women' patients-people are very likely to become defined by women of the womens' movement, while those marking them as Templars and crusade Knights and Queens, not to forget, are more likely doctors and their people, influenced by social medicine and social hygiene up to catholic formed esoteric fans. And for the rest, they mark themselves as Frontpatients just like formerly as SPK patients, and simultaneously they mark the doctors as mummies (mummified relicts) and the iatro-capitalist system as their soul flying around them, but in chronical decay.
At any rate, urban guerillas disappear in the mask of normality, be it the mask of a criminal, and can't be distinguished, while so-called terrorists disappear in the endless lot of stories, caused by their activity, while warfaring patients appear and even remain present by unchangeable traces and scars, used also sometimes for anticipating perception (or is it correct in English to say: anticipative perception?), all mentioned marks for the rest being exponentially reinforced, because the patients scarcely appear somewhere, be it only on the paper, as lonely bodies, and especially not in the times of accentuated warfare, but in groups, and therefore as a woman, because more than two persons are sufficient to produce revolutionary illness, which is in German and in other languages a female being (a "Waermekoerper", as we say in our text "Iatroklasie" (iatroclasm) in SPK Dokumentation IV from 1978).
Not in all the warrants appeared the famous "Wiesenbach-shoot-out" from 24 June 1971. On the other hand it had caused a thirteenth and a fourteenth and maybe some more warrants against SPK patients and others, because there had been found in a car - standing in front of a restaurant in Wiesenbach and controlled by the police, and then happened the shoot-out - indeed later on some passports with the names and the photos of SPK patients, but no SPK patients at all there around. Also the researches of the police produced in the rooms of an SPK patient a shooter (a firebird pistol?), hidden by a big cello, which lay there above it. But the shooter was in Heidelberg and the shoot-out had taken place in Wiesenbach, 15 kilometers far away.
Also the VW-car of Dr. Huber had disappeared and H. had been told by an anonymous call to another SPK patient, that he could take back his car from the next town (Mannheim), more than 30 kilometers away from Wiesenbach. When he went there two days later, accompanied by another SPK patient, three cars with about 20 policemen therein already expected them there for detention, or was it for killing them in the street? At any rate there lay automatic machine guns on the seat in their car, when they opened the door and begged Huber to take a seat, and also it happened, that just in this moment three policemen stood behind and beside him in a distance of about 2 meters with their automatic weapons directed against him.
Later on in the headquarter of the police the chief there was very disappointed and angry, as he got by call the order, that the two patients and their VW-car had to be released. But nevertheless the Wiesenbach-shoot-out appeared again and repeatedly up from the 20 July 1971 in some of the warrants against SPK patients. But concerning the 13th and the more warrants, it disappeared some months before the beginning of the trial against SPK, because of "Shorty", that was the nickname for the 13th warrant person, who was very proud of his tallness of about 1,93 meters. In the trial against him he turned out to be not guilty and he got some money in compensation for the lot of prison, which he already had suffered for the famous Wiesenbach-shoot-out, in which there also had been hurted one of the controlling policemen at his left upper arm, and had lost nothing else by that, than some blood, less than every woman does by menstruation once every month. The proceedings about that, also against the SPK patients, were quashed. But not before some weeks before the beginnings of the trial against them in November 1972, the still imprisoned SPK patients were instructed about that by a writing of the judge to their lawyer. Also none of the SPK patients became ever sentenced because of one of the resting reproaches in the famous warrants.
Just for contrast we also should not forget to keep in memory some details, which never entered the warrants, but nevertheless threw a light upon the doctors there behind.
Murder proceedings were on the way against the imprisoned SPK patients. Such they learned from their lawyer who visited them there in the many different prisons in the autumn 1971. From the searches and from the evaluation of the material, found in the rooms of the patients, as told the lawyer, there had resulted, that the doctors, especially those in the Psychiatric Clinic, and there especially the chief, von Baeyer, and also Kretz had become convinced that the "SPK criminals", now in prison, were responsible also for the death of a philosophy professor at the university of Heidelberg, committed in 1969.
The lawyer, as a former leader of the former socialist student movement (SDS) was deeply impressed,
because the police officers lanced their suspicions about that also against him, up to the degree, that he regarded himself as menaced by compulsory psychiatric internment;
because in 1969/70 the named since then existing Socialist Students' Union had suceeded in public in rejecting suspicions against them, repeatedly lanced by the mass media, about their having possibly been guilty for the death of this philosophy professor;
because none of the SPK patients there in prison seemed even to have ever heard the name of this philosophy professor, not to speak of the events there related to.
But the bad mood of the lawyer changed to the better, as he last visited Huber in the prison of Rastatt, now asking him. Huber told him, that he was a friend of this professor, who was the best expert in Hegel-philosophy at the university of Heidelberg, and, for the rest all about, in the opinion of Huber, and therefore he had been all the years ago his favorite teacher, who accompanied him working out his doctoral-thesis in philosophy about "The Frontier" (dialectics upon open frontier, closed frontier, frontier in proceedings).
In summer 1969 Huber had proposed to the Psychiatric Clinic to invite this professor to give some lectures there, because there was a great demand for it of the students and even of the other doctors there, not to mention the great interest of Huber himself. For the rest this professor also was a psychiatrist, who practicated in Wiesbaden, especially therapying US-airbase officers and their families there. All agreed to invite him to give some lectures during the coming winter semester there also at the Psychiatric Clinic. But some weeks later the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic told Huber, that they meanwhile had decided to invite the chief of the Faculty of Philosophy in Heidelberg, be it only in a small and more privat frame. Cause? Meanwhile they had started researches all about concerning this by Huber proposed professor, and there had resulted from these researches, as there said the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic, that the proposed professor indeed was a very skillful specialist, but always in struggle with other philosophers, thus not yet commonly affirmed and well esteemed all about in philosophy. Therefore they had decided to prefer his chief, who, indeed, as the second chief admitted to Huber, in no way was an expert in the essentials* of Hegel-philosophy and also had absolutely nothing to do with psychiatry, except his friendship to (Nazi-) Heidegger, but because of his needing no struggles and of his good philosophic feeling and his being well situated and established all about, he should be the just apt man to be invited, and also to become presented eventually to the students. What had happened meanwhile, what was there behind? Danger for the doctors, who in winter 1966, Kretz amongst them, had taken part in a discussion with Huber in Wiesenbach about a summary of his later on thesis "The Frontier" (mentioned above). After the SPK, as to remember, such assemblies in the famous house of Wiesenbach were named "secret working circles", at least because of the patients, who had gathered there, but before and often and often and since long ago, it had been doctors, colleagues of Huber, who had gathered there. For the rest well separated from patients, who, from time to time also happened to pass there, soon in such remote times. [Proof: 'Kleinkrieg ...', page 126/127 line 17: "... seminar paper, which he presented to a gathering of 6 or 7 psychiatric assistants in his home (perhaps 1966)..." with Kretz as a spy of the prosecutors and police officers in August 1971 and also later on.] Danger for the doctor colleagues of Huber now in 1969, because if the philosophy professor and also medical doctor and psychiatrist himself would speak in the same way as Huber in the Psychiatric Clinic and thus in public about the scientific fundaments of psychiatry, they all risked to turn out as the stupid and narrow-minded policemen, they were indeed, differing from every other police officer only by that, usually to work not in a police office or in the streets, but in psychiatry, controlling there all forms of traffic between and against the patients.
Means for example: identity. Hegel: "Identity in itself (an sich) is difference." Means: identity is the challenge to produce and to maintain identity. Therefore: all concepts (Begriffe) are to be taken as producing, inventing and achieving what there is involved. If there is a philosophy professor who is, say only aware of that, then he is on our side, regardless his opinions and his fame, regardless also his opinions on his "own" opinions and on his "own" fame.
Unfortunately the philosophy professor didn't survive the next quarter (of a year). On 30 September 1969, in the night, when the (federal) parliamentary elections in Germany had been held, and the Social Democratics had won, he died in the mainstream of Germany, in the Rhine, closely to the rock of the Loreley at Bingen. A so-called suicide.
His last letter, thus "the proof", contained in no way any reproach against a certain person, but there was spoken in a say: stoical manner about his hopes for luck in his now about 60 years old life, which had failed, and the chances of which now had become in no way better, regarding the Lefty tendencies in the State, which menaced the up to now stability in Germany, not favourable for himself as a native foreigner, born in the Netherlands. These contents of his last letter we learned some weeks after his death from the newspapers.
First the decision of the doctors to reject him. Second his own decision to die. But there was a third decision, which arose from the circumstance, that the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic had been too cowardly to inform by himself the philosophic professor about the fact, that and why he was not welcome, now suddenly, to the doctors with his Hegel-philosophy and to the students in the Psychiatric Clinic. Therefore the second chief begged Huber "to speak to the colleague" (means: the philosophic professor, who also was a psychiatrist) and to explain to him as cautiously as possible, why the doctors of the Psychiatric Clinic had withdrawn the invitation, but on the other hand not to let any doubts about the fact, that their decision had been taken forever, because indeed there existed a very important interdependence between psychiatry and its basical concepts, which were philosophic ones of course, and therefore worth all the scientific efforts, done by Huber for example; but on the other hand there was also a great need to keep seperated philosophy and psychiatry, because of the danger to hurt the peace between the doctors by discussions, which necessarily always must remain upon and beyond their level, perhaps because they were too limited and too narrow in their capacity of understanding. (Proof: "Kleinkrieg ...", page 126, line 18f: "... that his (Huber's) explanations remained incomprehensible in spite of all of our efforts ..." and line 21f: "... Huber and the others seemed to talk at cross ...").
Now there existed 1969 since many months the so-called "Critical University", formed by mostly liberal and also moderate Lefty students, who had invited a philosophic assistant, a medical doctor, and also Huber, to take part and to give lectures there, especially in order to bring together again different faculties like for example medicine and psychology, philosophy and psychiatry, thus striving for the aim to create a more anthropological medicine, means: a less technical and commercial one. They all, students, assistants and doctors, welcomed the proposal of Huber, to invite there also his philosophic professor and they welcomed this proposal even more than the psychiatric doctors had done in the beginnings, because the students at those times had often discussed dialectic materialism and materialist dialectics, but the more they had discussed it, the more they had become aware, that they needed, quite on the contrary to the so-called political people, truely solid and thorough knowledge of it, if there was the question to apply it in their work. The "Critical University" took place in the lecture rooms somewhere in the Faculty of Medicine or in the Faculty of Philosophy or Psychology, but never in the psychiatry, and indeed once or twice a week.
To mention also, that until now the basic concepts in this "Critical University" had been about and revolved around the Freudian delight, pseudo-philosophic bio-feedback behaviourism and adult-games there all around, there added statements, that all should depend on pleasure and on dreams to be realized, regardless the quality of the dreams, regardless the circumstances, regardless the concept of pleasure, which, just like all other things do, consists the same of its contrary, indeed as well in reality as in thinking. Some students were still aware, that by that they could not get in any way along with for example so-called psychosomatic problems, or be it for example with questions, how to get along later on in profession or elsewhere with the awful sides of life. Among the other students there had been some, who eagerly defended their, say: pseudo-freudianism, but by and by they also had consented to invite the philosophic professor. They all, like Kretz, were also associated to a sectarian doctors' club, but Kretz, quite on the contrary to them, neither there took part, nor mentioned in public his being on the side of this in no way well-famed doctors' club.
Well, Huber phoned the philosophic professor in Wiesbaden, just as he often did and vice versa, if the philosophic professor was not in Heidelberg for his lectures, and spoke to him about the invitation to the "Critical University" and also about the by the Psychiatric Clinic abolished invitation. The philosophic professor first laughed also like Huber at the Psychiatric Clinic and at the anxiety of the doctors there because of philosophy, saying, that those psychiatrists themselves seemed to need psychiatric help, better represented by Huber, because closer there, he himself (the philosophic professor) being glad about his "independence". Then he asked Huber for detailed information about the "Critical University". And finally he accepted provisionally the invitation, to give some lectures there on the dialectic method under condition, that Huber should be ready to see to it, that nobody would dare to identify him with the mentioned ill-famed tendency there.
All seemed well. But some weeks later, still in summer 1969, between August and September, as there were not yet lessons at the university, the philosophic professor phoned Huber and told him, that he had meanwhile changed his opinion and was in no way ready, to give any lecture at the "Critical University" in winter semester, because he meanwhile had received some letters from students in Heidelberg, who called him a fascist. Huber remembered two students, who in one of the professors' formerly done seminars on sexuality and ethics at all costs had tried to stop the discussion on basic matters about it, and this just from the beginnings, while propagating malthusianist and darwinist opinions of the 19th century, taken from newspapers and asking his opinion on that, blaming him even still after the seminar, because he had not answered their letters about it, while he had continued very patiently going on speeking to them and after three or four weeks the "interested" turned out to be exhausted, for they then never had appeared again in the seminar on sexuality. As it seemed also to the professor, the two students, who now had written to him the mentioned letters, were the same. And they were the same, accompanied by some more, who had appeared in the mentioned Kretz-context at the "Critical University" and they were the same, who later on sometimes came to the public assemblies in the SPK, scarcely saying something, but apparently being against everything, but never ready to work there and to take part, as the other patients did.
Finally the philosophic professor decided to give no lessons at the "Critical University" during the next semester, but perhaps later on, because of the named circumstances. But quite on the contrary he took another decision, namely to announce lessons and seminars at the Faculty of Philosophy on Marxian materialism in comparison and in opposition to Hegelian dialectic proceedings. As he told Huber, he was completely aware of the fact, that this should be a challenge and an answer to the doctors, as well as to the students of the university of Heidelberg. He also wrote some letters about that, which the police also had found in Wiesenbach, and which the doctors in the Psychiatric Clinic and also in the Faculty of Medicine, and where else, took eagerly care to transform them into the "announce for murder of a philosophic professor" againts the patients. For he was dead and therefore couldn't affirm the contrary, and of course he had not taken witnesses with him, when he addressed himself to death, because of a lack of other colleagues there in medicine and also in philosophy.
Scarcely the winter semester had begun, there came a student of the socialist students' association (SDS) to Huber in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, expecting him there after a group therapy and asking Huber, whether he could not do something to dissuade his doctoral-teacher in philosophy from critizising Marx and communism. He (the SDS student) and the other people of SDS were in no way against those lectures. But as they were told, there had emerged some other persons of a sectarian group, who always interrupted the philosophic professor by crying "fascist", but seemed in no way able, to accept his proposal for a discussion about that and about dialectics. They, of the SDS, in vain had tried to exert their influence on the mentioned sectarians, and on the philosophic professor they of course lacked all influence. Having got explained the past experiences with those guys and their tendency to disappear automatically after some lectures, the SDS student felt relieved, because the case apparently now had turned out to be no problem of the student movement. But some weeks later, after the death of the philosophic professor, just quite on the contrary, regarding the tendencies in the mass media, to put the blame for it on the SDS.
Now, in autumn 1971, the lawyer also felt relieved, proposing to Huber, that he and the other patients at once should lodge an announce because of murder especially against Kretz. It was a hard job, to remind the lawyer again and again, that the patients and their resistance because of illness has absolutely nothing to do with breaking silence (TAV,Totale Aussage-Verweigerung = total refusal of speaking to and acting with any kind of authorities). Finally the lawyer consented and agreed.
Until nowadays we ourselves don't know the cause, because of which the named murder proceedings against SPK patients never entered be it in only one warrant, and also didn't appear in any newspaper article. There was a dead body, and the doctors were best informed about the perpetratorship (Taeterschaft) and the SPK patients under suspicion refused completely any kind of defence, their TAV (see above) working best and by effects of permanent attacks. At least the doctors had kicked him off (the philosophy professor) twice. The first time, as they had ordered Huber to tell him, that he was an undesirable person at the Faculty of Medicine. The second time, when they stopped his lessons at the Faculty of Philosophy, his chief there being well informed about that, and meanwhile in permanent relation with the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic (see above, "in a small and more private frame"), and the chief of the Faculty of Philosophy, though his office rooms in a distance of only about 50 meters from there, where students stopped the lectures of his philosophic colleague, there never (was) present to support him. Seemingly there existed no problem for the doctors to pretend that the third and the last kick, which pushed the philosophy professor out of his life, could have been exercised by nobody else, but by "patients of Dr. Huber" or best: by Huber himself, because at those remote times there still existed the "colleague Dr. Huber" and thus also patients, not to say, property of his, for whom he in any case had the responsibility. Not to forget, that in the warrants the "criminal association SPK" since long time there already existed in autumn 1971, and murder proceedings, like those which the doctors apparently intended and expected against the SPK patients, would not fit less well to a "criminal association", as the, at least by the doctors founded and by the police only published "criminal association" itself, fitted to a group of patients, occupied with illness and its genuine and its specific expressions, occupied with it in a permanent patients people's warfare, now and in prison going on in solitary confinement, but the more under public interest. In short: nothing fitted, but since long ago the doctors and their helpers, the authorities, had proved, that they were able to make fitting what they wished, not caring about, if people believed or not, and people like to believe more in doctors than in patients. Or, has there changed something since SPK? We have some good reasons to believe so.
Still at a loss for an explanation, always in the context of your question on the warrants, for perhaps it is more important what there stayed out of them, than what there entered in, we have to apologize to mention some details more, because neither you, nor we ourselves can be quite sure, whether the readers of your book will expect an explanation or even insist on it, be it only one of your readers.
We lacked also an alibi, even though only in one case. All SPK patients, there in prison in autumn 1971, had nothing to do with Wiesbaden, where the philosophy professor lived and practicated in a distance of about 100 kilometers from Heidelberg, and also they had nothing to do with Bingen, in a distance of about 30 kilometers from Wiesbaden, where the philosophy professor had died. All SPK patients under suspicion to be involved, in the death night of 30 September 1969 had been with other persons in Heidelberg or there around, just like Huber himself, but quite in difference to all the others he had happened to be alone, just in this night.
Late in the evening he had returned to Wiesenbach from his work. Just as he arrived in the street at the hill of the later on so famous Wiesenbach-house he remembered because of a car there standing aside, that some women were in the house with his wife, one of them being pregnant with a child and also with a divorce. Some days before, she had consulted Huber about that, but apparently she had not agreed with his opinion about it, because he was a man. And because Mrs. Huber is a woman and also was a medical doctor, she had preferred to speak to her, just as Huber had proposed, without even having prepared his wife about it.* So he drove into the garage, some 20 meters below of the house, shut the door and fell asleep till to the next morning and then returned from there to his work in Heidelberg, without having entered the house. Next evening he returned just for a moment, prepared himself for the work in the night and returned to the Psychiatric Clinic, nobody there to see in the house, because the children by the others were prepared to go to bed.
The Huber house was a simple housing, rented exclusively for the familiy, not a clinic, not a doctor's practice, neither was she- or he-Huber a there practising physician, nor was there a consulting room, nor medical tools, thus not even an ambulance.
There is to add, that twice or thrice a week and also a weekend once every month in those times he had to work also in the night, because the chief-doctors in the clinic, who had to decide about it, were of the opinion, that a colleague like Huber, who spent so much time with patients and politics should need more better occupation, that means: to work instead of them also in the nights there and in full responsibility for the Psychiatric Clinic, their place of work, but no longer the work place of Huber since 1966, by the way. Of course they were fond of more holidays and rest in the night, and Huber didn't care about, and even didn't complain of, because he took it for a proof, that his basical work, which by and by had turned out to be useful and fertile, even in the eyes of his colleagues, now had begun to gain pregnancy, quite in a common sense. Well, there had taken place something like a crossing-over between the real pregnancy of a woman, pregnant also with a divorce and a more theoretic pregnancy, the latter nevertheless combined with an abundance of practice, both in the night of death. In the night of no return to an alibi for Huber, if there should be ever need.
First there was no need at all, when Huber learned about this event some days, or be it some weeks later from a colleague in the Polyclinic, who at those times was something like a friend to him. Huber first couldn't believe. But soon he remembered a private discussion with the philosophy professor in the floor of the new university after a lecture-giving. They spoke there about the renaissance-philosopher Pico della Mirandola, who had promised one of his opponents, that they would meet after their death in order to start the discussion of a certain philosophic problem then once more, a philosophic problem, which seemingly never could become resolved on earth. But there was also just in this moment the idea, that his philosophic teacher perhaps could have taken Huber for his enemy during the last weeks until to his death.
Now, about two years later, when the lawyer visited Huber in prison, it was good for him, that he had acquired by his studies some resistance against feeling guilty, and the more it was good, that only he himself lacked an alibi. Of course he never spoke of it to his lawyer, but later on the more with the Frontpatients. Even in prison, under the condition of sensory deprivation, the theory of which he had to work out at those times, when he first had warned the lawyer, with regard to the other SPK patients, who were also struck by this modern method of torture, even in prison Huber had good dreams about it, as he told later on, because his philosophy teacher sometimes appeared there in his dreams and encouraged him to continue.
But that is no argument for your readers to explain, why the doctors, there included meanwhile the whole Faculty of Medicine, dropped their murder-reproach. Kretz had transformed into a "former SPK patient, being their doctor also in SPK". It was this, what Huber had learned in winter 1971, and he believed to dream, even day and night, when he first heard of it from a woman of Berlin, who visited him in prison, she herself back from Berlin, where she had been present in a public assembly of students and doctors, with Kretz, applying there for a place of work at the Free University of Western Berlin. There he had been asked by the just mentioned woman, if he indeed was the doctor Helmut Kretz of Heidelberg, and what he had done before, during and after the SPK. He had answered, without hesitating be it only for a moment: "I always have been on the side of SPK and of Dr. Huber, for whom I have done my best to get him out of prison and, what is more, till to the last weeks before the end of the SPK I worked and lived there just like Dr. Huber among the SPK patients and supported their resistance until to the moment, when the police detected the secret working circles there around Dr. Huber. Just in this moment, be it only 4 or 8 weeks before the SPK did its self dissolution, I withdrew, because and of course it was intolerable for me, to become also responsible for the criminal activities there, while all my efforts since then had to do with nothing else, but with my care for the health of my patients, being their doctor". The woman, who of course also never had seen Kretz in the SPK or there around, be it only but fleeing, if he saw somebody whom he took for an SPK patient, continued talking, that also the doctors there in Berlin bursted into laughter. Meanwhile the application of Kretz in Western Berlin had been rejected, in spite of some former colleagues of his, there also emigrated from Heidelberg, supporting him by all efforts.
After the visit of the woman, back in his cell, Huber had time enough to contemplate the case once more. First, as he remembers, he was in doubt, whether he had laughed enough with the woman, who had been so truly glad because of the, in her opinion, so pretty little, tiny, crazy and stupid Kretz. One person as a such, and be it even Kretz himself could not have changed so much within the scarcely two years, since he (Huber) for the last time had to do with him. On the other hand he (H) had learned by newspaper articles from his lawyers, that Kretz went on collaborating side by side with his party and Party-friend Rendtorff, the chief of the university, both giving political lectures, whenever there was occasion.
Not before two or three years ago up from now, we happened to learn from some so-called scientific writings of the psychiatric chief von Baeyer, that Kretz after the SPK always suffered from attacks, and indeed mostly from all his chiefs in psychiatry, who during the beginnings of the SPK had established him (Kretz) as the leader of the Psychiatric Polyclinic. But that is another story, and we hinted about that in the beginnings of this letter.
Some essential thing, and not a good one, must have changed since the abolishment of the murder-reproach against us (so Huber went on with his contemplations in prison). Well, some more of our books meanwhile were available in all bookshops and maybe Kretz & Co also had read therein. But nobody, be it on the left wing or on what wing else seemed to take seriously our explanations about dialectics, about multi-focal expansionism (MFE) or about the patients as a revolutionary class. For the rest our books had passed the indeed very strict censorship by special policemen in the prisons. Therefore it was quite clear, that the judge could not have any interest to present them to the court, quite on the contrary to all the other books, which still were there, expecting to become proofs ("evidences") against us. Well, once more the story of the glad woman, but now in short: Kretz had told in Berlin, that a part of the SPK, namely those around Huber had planned a kill-off, one part against the other and thus each (against the) other, by which was struck, at least, or last not least, the entire SPK and what else more.
It is a quite rare thing, that patients kill each other, isn't it? Neither in hospitals they do so, because there they are supervised, and, quite reasonable, they are in hospitals, because they need supervision, that's it. Therefore they can't kill each other, and because they cannot do it, they also don't do it. But on the other hand, there is also to be admitted, and especially doctors do so and admit, that patients outside of prisons and hospitals, where they are not supervised and controlled, also do not prove a strong tendency to kill each other. Quite on the contrary patients, who are in the SPK, following Kretz and his affirmations in Berlin, develop, say within 14 months, killer-instincts against each other, as they never appear outside, not to mention clinics, hospitals and so on.
At this point of his contemplations Huber remembered all the warrants against SPK patients and also the text of the § 129 of Penal Code: "He who founds a criminal association, being a chief, a member ..." (see above). What about it, if there, exactly in our case, were not signified in truth chiefs, members and so on, but only patients, killing each other? Following Kretz, you only have to withdraw from there in time, in order to become a former SPK patient and in consequence a lefty career-doctor in Western Berlin. Now what about patients before SPK, do they like to kill a philosopher because he is a doctor, to kill a doctor, because he is a philosopher? Either or, or neither nor? Both together by evidence and by simple logic reason doesn't seem to fit well. Consequently one of the two stories had had to die, in order to keep surviving the other. - And this could be also the explanation for your readers, why the doctors dropped their murder-reproach concerning the philosopher in 1969: - They abolished the murder reproach against one person and before the SPK, and they established an each-other-killing-reproach, but now against all imprisoned SPK patients, and even against others, which there could follow eventually, on condition that the followers were truly based on illness by thinking and doing. To repeat: equals among equals, tied by the strong tendency to kill each other, thus a danger for the entire society, regardless if they were or had been members, or chiefs, or founders or something else. If there really existed or should ever exist the revolutionary class of patients against the doctors, being the chief-class in the capitalist society (private- or state-capitalist), the § 129 should be the apt and sufficient mark to extinguish it up from the every first germ, regardless all crimes committed thereby or not. Proof: the later sentence against the SPK was based on the crucial point of: "gezieltes revolutionaeres Handeln" ("revolutionary doing by a common will and aim", to use some approximative translation, just as a proposal; see also our time-line.) Conclusion: the "patients-kill-patients" murder-reproach firstly was directed against SPK patients, but secondly this reproach was directed prospectively against the whole patients' class coming into being as the revolutionary class opposite to the doctors' class.
Kretz was neither crazy nor stupid, but he had turned out to be an apt mark for his class, the doctors' class, being welded together since most remote times, quite on the contrary to the patients, by the common tendency to kill patients and also philosophers, if there seemed to be need. And in fact by all means of nature and society, better spoken: of nature in society (for there doesn't exist any longer any piece of nature, which is not submitted to capitalist society nowadays). Remember for example the famous greek philosopher Sokrates. He died from the best poison, supervised if not handed to him by doctors, because of his philosophy having turned out to be inconvenient for them and therefore for the society, as there was the sentence. Sokrates had been forced to commit a so-called "sui"-cide. Nobody has ever affirmed or pretended, that it were patients who constrained him to do so. Wilhelm Reich in the '50s of our century was killed in the U.S.A. with an injection by a doctor in prison whom he trusted or not. Wilhelm Reich first had been a psychiatrist and later on more a philosopher than a doctor. The doctors, his colleagues, first had declared him for being mentally disturbed, later on the National Food and Drug Company was behind and against him, and finally there was last not least the prison doctor, who applied to him the last injection, which his until then, say: safe and sound heart was unable to tolerate, stopping its action and also stopping breath, just in the same way, as the water of the mainstream in Germany had did in the case of "our" philosopher and psychiatrist, rejected some weeks before by his doctor colleagues. Remember finally, that the mass-extinctions here in Germany and in the times of Hitler had their beginnings about more than 100 years ago in the secret (doctor) working circles of England and in the New World, favoured later on by social-democrats like nowadays the Rendtorffs and the Kretz, from the beginnings directed exclusively against patients, later on also against philosophers, not only if they were jews or communists, but also if only inconvenient for the doctors. Hitler had nothing to do but to provide them with a general permission to kill. For the rest you can doubt about it, if they in truth need a permission. There exists a famous letter of Ernesto Guevara, nick-named: "the Che", to his father, who was a kind of an architect and had the same pre- and family name as he himself. As it seems, his father had done reproaches against him, because during and after the revolution he had become a killer, disregarding his grievances as a patient, suffering from a very bad asthmatic difficulty in breathing; instead of doing his honest work as a medical doctor. The son therefore in the named letter proposed to his father, to write on the door of his house in Argentinia the name Dr.med. Ernesto Guevara, because he then could kill as much as he wanted, without risking any punishment, quite on the contrary to he himself, because he himself, the son Ernesto Guevara had ceased to be a doctor and therefore risked death penalty, done to him for the rest later on without any sentence, a doctor being not far away, who just before had cared about some hurtings. Finally old Plinius II in the ancient Rome has taken down, that nobody is allowed to kill, except the doctors, because they risk no punishment, if they do.
Finally Huber, as he told us, concluded his contemplations in the prison-cell by some comparisons between Kretz and himself. Neither he nor Kretz, as it seemed to him, were more or less stupid or crazy or mentally disturbed. Remember, that Kretz had affirmed against Huber just the latter suspicion, when Kretz was as a spy with the police, be it during, be it after, be it even before the SPK. Both had perhaps suffered the same crippling conditions and constraints, in order to become doctors. But Huber, quite on the contrary to Kretz, seemed to have done a lot of things besides school and study, neglecting diligence and adaption at school and studies, but studying the more the things there seemingly necessary principally (in der Hauptsache) for others later on, things which Kretz in no way even had dared to do, and also things which now enabled him to compensate his having become a member of the killing doctors' class.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
4 December 1993
Here the next pages of the letter. The letter itself meanwhile is finished (on tapes), but the part we sent you until now, is only the half of the entire letter.
If you, dear friend, want more proofs, with regard to the readers' interest about that, please let us know. For the moment I have no better proofs about the fact, which secret working circles produced the dead body in the time before the SPK and which secret working circles (perhaps the same) withdrew the murder-reproach in order to employ a more common and a better working one, first against the SPK patients, but aiming at the whole social class, being in development and formation just by the whole of the existing circumstances, and last not least aiming against the human species not yet existing. But that is also another thing, which belongs to the Krankheitsbegriff (concept of illness), about the latter there were a lot of hints even in the present letter.
Of course we can provide more proofs, and we must do so, for until now not having yet sufficiently and exhaustively dealt with all contents in the warrants.
At a loss for an introduction, better: for a fill to bridge, there is a proverb and saying in German, a proverb, which is a little bit hard for me to translate: "in common they catch the little men, but favourish the chiefs" ("Die Kleinen faengt man, die Grossen laesst man laufen", "it's always the big fish that get away"). Maybe you sometimes wondered and maybe also some readers do, that also concerning this view, the doctors behind the authoritiesput the things from the feet to the head in the case of SPK. The two medical doctors, the two Huber, in truth simultaneously and chronically Frontpatienten, had to remain continuously and for the longest in prison, up from the beginning till to the last day. Not to speak of all what there followed, meanwhile best transformed by all their mediately or immediately involved family people, for the sake of transformed and transforming illness.
Of course the traces of the named differences soon appeared in the first of the many warrants. The difference, which seemingly fits to the structure of the paragraph about the "criminal association" (§ 129), a difference, which you also can meet in many other paragraphs, a difference between above and beneath, which probably is not a difference, but quite on the contrary the forecast of the new revolutionary identity, gained and maintained already by all SPK patients, who in the times of the questioned warrants already were in prison.
To interpolate here, that the warrants consisted of pink paper with the size of a letter. One page in the beginnings, two pages later on, pinned together. Only the every upper side of the paper contained text. About a quarter of a page at the beginnings, about one page and a quarter later on, the various warrants were not very different in length. The words and the letters therein, as to their numbers and places in all the warrants, were of comparable agreement, and also the faults of punctuation and spelling. Even the sense in all warrants was the same, because sense was in no way therein, and therefore consequently could only be outside of the warrants. We were constrained to seek the sense there outside, and even to invent sense, in order to find it and wait for the evidences. They came, the evidences. Just as we told it before in detail, when we had to explain to the readers, who are the assassins opposite to patients and patient-people, and what is the sense of the secret work of the first just in a detail, like for example an abolished reproach before entering warrants.
In order to avoid misunderstandings, once more we have to say, that there of course in none of the warrants it read, that patients killed each other or were on the way to do it. Quite on the contrary, be it a contrary for the every readers, there only was written something about an accomplished, but failed assault against the hospital of Wiesloch, or about a "planned assassination" against somebody named Gustav Heinemann, who at those times, we already mentioned it, was neither a governing leader, nor an authority in Germany, but only one person among 60 millions, in whom the rest of the world had to see the only representative of Germany, thus the president. The words therefore in the warrants, as we remember: "... president of the Federal Republic ...". What there seemed to be an incrimination in the warrants, for all reproaches are incriminations, if they there appear in a warrant, as to know, well, what there seemed to be incriminations in the warrants against SPK patients in reality had been destined by the doctors (iatrocrats = jacker, as we say) to be proofs for: patients kill patients, their hypothesis put in action since they had abolished their philosopher-murder-reproach from 1971. For, with the president there behind, related to their hypothesis, they could hang it on the highest clock, be it only the pink paper of a warrant, but mainly directed against SPK patients. As to repeat: doctor assassinates patients, is a quite usual and common thing, and therefore a boring secret, but SPK patients kill a president, that's a tremendous sensation, able to produce highest headlines. You remember: dog bites child, that's absolutely nothing. But child bites dog, that's a headline in the police report of a newspaper, be it only a small.
For truth, we never cared about the doctors of the president Gustav Heinemann, who in summer 1976 "helped" him to die, the Patientenfront at those times being complete again since several months ago. But if the named president had died from the hands of patients in 1971, there then had lacked a president Heinemann to be killed by the pretended day of the patients' revolution on 1 January 1973, of course. Yes, the Huber-for-president-story was in the same warrants separated by the Heinemann-in-Heidelberg-story only by a point between two sentences there in the warrants.
Heinemann himself never had taken any harm against SPK patients. Proof: still in June (!) 1971 (!) there had come 4 SPK patients to his home in the capital of the German government (Bonn) in order to talk to him about SPK, just as they had announced to him by a letter, some days before, ascertaining their coming and their being welcome there once more before starting. As they came to the home of the president, they were accepted by his daughter, Mrs. Ranke-Heinemann, without even any control of their passports. Killing patients for president? The patients came there to the home of the president in a great BM-car, famous at those times because ofBaader-Meinhof, and all who drove such a car, had great trouble, because at every corner becoming stopped and searched by the police. Quite on the contrary the SPK patients, we mentioned it just. The SPK patients had no explosives with them on their journey to the home of the president in the government capital, which is in a distance of about 300 kilometers from Heidelberg (left hand in the map, drawn by ourselves, somewhere behind Wiesbaden). Nobody even lost a word about explosives at those times, be it inside, be it outside the SPK.
But after the SPK there soon appeared articles in the press about explosives, especially directed against the president.
We never experienced, if the president Heinemann (in 1976!) died with harm against the SPK since the newspaper articles appeared in 1971/72. If he did, it was caused exclusively by the doctors and their helpers, just like in the case of the philosophy professor, who died before the SPK existed. So one real death before the SPK. And another real death after the SPK. The first death, the death of the philosophy professor didn't succeed in entering the warrants. In the second case there entered a "death" the warrants, which was neither a death, nor the real circumstances, related to the event president-visits-Heidelberg, could ever have anything to do with a warrant. Both deaths finally caused by the doctors. But where is the sentence? There exists instead of a sentence only a secret sense beside the warrants, as to repeat. The named secret sense has a name: killer-doctors.
A warrant-judge told the SPK lawyer in September 1971, that the SPK had disposed of more and stronger explosives, produced in their "secret working circles", more and stronger than there had been necessary to destroy the building, where there was the SPK in ("patients-kill-patients") and even and of course to destroy also the police-headquarter and the Trade Union house there in front, and the whole city-quarter there around. Easy to imagine, that the production of such a lot of explosive material needs a lot of time, work and money, if there are not capitalist industries involved, instigated by doctors there behind, who struggle for the life of the patients, just as they always do. But patients, especially SPK patients don't work, nor study, if they indeed are patients. There exists no marvel on the world, be it in the good or be it in the evil sense, which they are not apt and able to do.
Well, in February 1971, on the 16th and on the 17th day, the first a Tuesday, the second a Wednesday, it happened, as there had been announced some weeks ago, that the president Heinemann should come to Heidelberg for a visit. As he had also announced,all citizens, all about in Western Germany, were invited by him to speak to him about their trouble. The patients in the SPK discussed about it. They took themselves at those times also for citizens, and because of trouble they were not at a loss at all. They couldn't refuse to speak to the president, the latter who expressively had invited all citizens. On the other hand they could not go to the city house, because they of course were not welcome there, the chief there being an enemy to the SPK patients and also simultaneously the leader of the city-police, and for the rest an intimate friend in the secret working circles of the doctors, there often present and represented always.
What to do? The SPK patients sat down and wrote a letter to the president, inviting him to come to the SPK in order to take part at a public work assembly, welcome also his body-guards, if he needed.
Some days later the patients assured by phone, that the president had got the letter.
On the first day, when he was in Heidelberg, he didn't come to the SPK, nor on the second, and there was no answer by him, neither by message, nor in the press. From this fact the SPK patients drew the conclusion, that either they themselves were no longer also citizens in his eyes, or, that he himself in reality was also no citizen and thus a patient like themselves. Maybe, he himself was not aware of the fact, that there existed then consequently only patients, but no longer citizens all about. What to do, how to help him?
On the second day there had been programmed his visit at the Cancer Research Institute of the university of Heidelberg, thus in the neighbourhood of the SPK and within the exclusion zone, the off-limits for SPK patients. Two students of medicine, who had done by the help of the SPK their examinations by success, soon were ready to go there and to speak to him. But what to do, if he refused? No loss, the president could read letters, as there had been assured by the SPK patients before. Therefore the two medicine students turned into sandwich-men and went just in time to the Cancer Research Institute, on their front a placard with the letters and signs: CAPITALISM = CANCER, GROWS EXUBERANTLY, PROLIFERATES INFILTRATING AND DESTROYING. On their backside the letters and signs: PRESIDENT = PATIENT, PATIENT = PRESIDENT.
When they arrived, they were stopped by body-guards, but soon the president read the placard on their front and addressed to the chief of the Cancer Institute, asking him for an explanation.
As a surgeon, answered the doctor, shaking his head, as a surgeon, that's what he said, but what he didn't say was, that he had been a very ill-famed Nazi-sterilizator, not only a simple member in Hitler's party therefore, like most of the German doctors and quite in difference to all other professions at those times, thus this children-killer, chief-surgeon and professor, charged with the highest prize of the Republic, shook his head once more, regarding also the faces of the two students, known to him by their good examination, and began once more, continuing now as a cancer-surgeon and -researcher, saying, that he during all the forty and more years in his life, never had experienced something like capitalism, when he looked at the cancer, even in best microscopes after the operations, even the cancer, of which he himself had suffered in the ends of his intestines once. No capitalism, neither in the microscope, nor there all around. Therefore, as there added the surgeon, the sense on the placard, made by the students, also of his, for himself was a riddle, and he, though an expert in cancer research, giving lectures about it until now, on congresses all over the world, yes, so far his explanation, be it an explanation, as he asked back.
The president was satisfied, thanked for "the explanation", turned his back to the students and went on in the crowd, followed by the surgeon, while the students also withdrew, but without turning their back to the couple, just as they were accustomed from manifestations, if confronted with the police.
When they returned to the SPK later on, all the patients there were very happy about the event, especially because some press-men had shown great interest, especially in the placard on their backside, and had discussed about it also with doctors of the Psychiatric Clinic, being there present, just like also other representatives of the Faculty of Medicine. (See also about that in "... Anfangen ...", page 79, line 14 to page 80 line 5, both from above). Some of the SPK patients asked, if they should go next day to the station or to another place, where there should pass the special train of the president, leaving Heidelberg, in order to show to him the backside. Of the placard, of course. But most of the SPK patients there present took it for a loss of time, pointing also out, that we meanwhile in SPK also had overcome the one or the other point of view from the beginnings of SPK, where we had taken down, that she or he, who in the context of a paranoia, offers the backside to an enemy-phantasma, in reality loves it, suppressing its tendency to melt with (look SPK Dok I, page VIII, line 9 - 14 from above, radio interview), instead of caring about revolutionary identity, as we did now, having experienced in many cases its efficiency to be expected sooner or later.*
Just I got a note at that: the police had kept tapes of phone calls from two SPK patients to Heinemann, tapes which had made the phoning SPK patients in order to communicate the contents of calls to the other SPK patients. It was a riddle. An "unexplainable marvel" in the eyes of the police officers how it could have happened, that SPK patients there opposite the police headquarter exactly in the secretary room of the SPK could have dared to call up the president, succeeded to advance to him, phoning for several times, some big tapes there filled up with the results now, undoubtable evidences (but not permitted for evidences being evaluated at a German court, as to add). The solution to the "riddle"? The two phoning patients, well prepared and armed with the dialectical method, knew their duty being SPK patients, to mark themselves also just for the purpose in public by illness. They knew also the duty of a president under the given conditions, to follow either their invitation to visit the SPK, or to keep away from Heidelberg. This argumentation was sufficient to advance to the president. The tapes, kept by the police, never returned.
That was all and the later came later, when the doctors, by means of their helpers all about, after the SPK lanced their warrants, abolishing the one reproach, replacing it by blowing-up-reinforcements governed by their hypothesis, that patients kill patients. Not to forget the peaceful visit in the home of Heinemann, quarter of a year after his February visit in Heidelberg and about less than half a year before the warrant-explosion all about the "planned assassination", in truth not even a noise of the backside of the upon that then reproached SPK girl, never sentenced because of the mentioned "planned assassination", the warrant against the other SPK patients also in this point collapsed before the trial was over. Superfluous to mention, that there lacked also any circumstantial evidence. By that, we mean also proofs apt to abolish jacker-Nazi-hypotheses against the SPK like planned upheavals and assaults. Of course there were in those times abundantly enough circumstantial evidences to suffocate already in the germ hypotheses like those. Circumstantial evidences, to repeat once more, not to mention the fact, that a patients' self organization, who calls itself socialist, of course strives for revolution, regarding the fact that there is a causal relation between society and illness. But the means to do this revolution can never be upheavals and assaults, if thereby is not intended to-heal-illness-by-killing-those-who-are-ill, just as the international doctor-circles allied to the Bank of England, since the last century had strived for and then succeeded in alliance with nazism; later on nearly all Nazi-doctors exculpated first by US-tribunals, and later on and until nowadays by German, or should we better say by iatro-nazi-tribunals.
Also in Germany there exists a law, which demands from each prosecutor to do also researches about circumstantial evidencesin favour of those, whom he persecutes. Just on the contrary in the case of SPK. Or was it more than the contrary? At any rate, the prosecutors were not at a loss, even to produce circumstantial evidences, which never had entered the SPK or its surroundings, but now were destined and used against SPK, be it only for public relations. Circumstantial evidences, like such, lacked also in the case of the Heinemann-story. The latter taken down in the warrants by a prosecutor, never can be an incrimination, except a proof for the already proved hypothesis, that international iatrocrats use to establish war criminal associations, like the Hitler-Nazi-party and the Himmler-Nazi-SS in order to-heal-illness-by-killing-those-who-are-ill.
This brown theory now turned against the SPK in a quite stupid and torpid manner, which could be exceeded only by the Kretz-as-a-SPK-patient pretention in winter 1971 at Berlin (see above).
To repeat: nothing entered any warrant or any indictment or remained there until to the end of the trial in December 1972, except the secret working circles of the doctors, there before and there behind, took there an interest in.
What about the "assassination" against the Mental Hospital in Wiesloch? Just the same. This "incrimination" in the warrants against the SPK patients dated from between Christmas and New Year 1971 and was founded on circumstantial evidences.
As there turned out in autumn 1971, the doctors of the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch had found there one morning after the named date the rests of a failed explosion, handed to them by some workers, who at those times were occupied there to build a high-security prison, which later on should be destined to devour for life "mentally disturbed" persons, who had committed crimes. (Dinka dink, blink blink?).
The doctors kept silence about that, founding also a secret circle with the workers, to whom they ordered, never to mention the thing, be it even to their family, because as they said, everybody runs the risk, to become mentally ill, be it only by an accident, means: to become a patient in Wiesloch, and then dependent on them, thus on the doctors there. Perhaps this was a mistake, quite unusual in secret doctor circles, for the only mistake there consists not in doing, but in existing, generally spoken. For, after the end of the SPK the doctors suddenly had changed their opinion and just now began to speak about their findings, thus half a year later on.
Their (the doctors) high-security-palace still was far away from being finished, a good excuse (to talk one's way out of it) for the rest, to precare, not to run the risk getting transferred imprisoned patients'-warfare-people of the SPK to become compulsorily researched and treated by them (the doctors in Wiesloch).
No doubt in their (the doctors') eyes, as it read in the police files, that the SPK patients had planned a holocaust against about 2000 patients there, there among also Russian survivors of the last World War, who had refused to return home to Stalin and suffered, as the doctors not forgot to mention, from nothing else, except from "the communism" in the world. Even the reproach about a "planned holocaust" was seemingly not so exaggerated. Some of the leading doctors there in Wiesloch had done their pilot studies in the sick bays and clinics of the Hitlerian concentration camps. They still could remember very well, that their holocaust had not started with a holocaust, be it in Auschwitz or elsewhere. It had started with secret actions against patients, carried from their homes in red cross-cars, just as accustomed to them and quite usual, carried to the one and from there eventually to another hospital, from where they "forgot" to return. Holocaust therefore is a bad word and the more a simple lie, if directed against such doctors. Against SPK patients, if imprisoned, the same word turns into a weapon of heal. And the heal, in German: das HEIL is such a holy thing, and just as rare as all about in the world of nowadays, and it indeed needs uttermost efforts of support, to achieve, be it one holocaust more.
Now, the Wiesloch-assault, the more it grew up, producing warrants, indictments and public relations in summer and autumn 1971, the more shrank in real the force of evidence and also of circumstantial evidence, the latter quite secretly; for nobody seemed to ask himself about the causes there probably responsible for.
Well, the workers, who had found the circumstantial evidences in the beginnings of 1971, now asked by the authorities and by the crises-staffs of the doctors (yes, they had formed crises staffs there in Heidelberg and in Wiesloch and all about, the doctors!) could remember absolutly nothing. None of them could. Asked on that only some more than half a year later, they (the workers) remembered nothing about it. It looked just as if they (the workers) had passed a treatment by Voodoo-priests (the doctors), a special treatment, because for the rest, their (the workers') behaviour proved no signs of disturbance and also their memories worked best, just like their hard work, going on to establish their doctors' high-security-palace against the so-called criminal, mentally disturbed people, (the palace) established also regarding the health and wealth of their families, as to repeat here.
What about the circumstantial evidences? Either they had disappeared meanwhile or they had lost their circumstantial-evidence-force, be it also by magic, or by somewhat else.
If they nevertheless should have appeared in the trial, where neither the SPK patients nor their lawyer took part, as to remember, they (the circumstantial evidences, magically charged, as to suppose, compare: fetishes and fetishism) perhaps had become angry against their Voodoo-doctors (the Wiesloch psychiatrists) and their former helpers (the workers), because nobody of them had been constrained by the judge of the court to come there and to repeat there the testimonies from one year ago, in public. And, we have to add, be it only for completeness, that there had appeared in all bookshops meanwhile the "Kleinkrieg gegen Patienten" in winter-semester 1971/72. The great picture there on the cover of the first edition, and also some other pictures therein and in others of our books showing the named high-security-palace of Wiesloch in statu nascendi, and in a distance from about half a kilometer from the other Wiesloch-buildings with the doctor-patients therein.
The named pictures were not only taken by "members of the secret working photo-circles in the SPK", as they were founded after the SPK by the doctors and their helpers.
The pictures were also taken by a lady who at those times worked in the highest esteemed week-periodical of Western Germany. In winter 1970 she had come to the SPK to take a photo of Huber, but she couldn't do, because he was among some patients, who asked her to find out by herself "who is our Fuehrer (leader)". As she had failed twice, Huber addressed to her and said, that he would be ready to show her the most wanted person, because of whom she had come driving about 550 kilometers in order to get a photo of him. But she would get the photo only under the condition, that she first travelled also the dozen kilometers to Wiesloch, accompanied by some patients, in order to take photos there from the new security-palace, there being built.
The lady consented, Huber bowed to her, gave her a kiss on the hand in a distance from about 4 millimeters between his bearded mouth and her fragrant skin, saying: "Pardon, Mylady, the wretch is me, but the promise is yours." She kept her promise and she got the photo, be it only a group photo, because some patients insisted thereon. She seemed not even to have a presentiment about it, that she had become just in this moment the collaborating woman of a later on so-called "secret photo working circle in the SPK".
Her Wiesloch photos of winter 1970 (compare e.g.: "Kleinkrieg ...", page 91 and 116) later on also appeared in the named week-periodical, occasionally and several times until some years ago from now.
The Wiesloch-holocaust story, established beneath the patients-kill-patients hypothesis of the doctors finally had burned down in winter 1972, but of course it had not been the winter as a such, which had suffocated it until to this moment in 1993, when I felt constrained to take it down, thus to get it alive once more.
Meanwhile the wind has turned. Not only in Germany. The doctors in their meanwhile public working circles all over the world prepare to extinguish by and by the present mankind and its successors, replacing them by the new glorious race, able to tolerate all kinds of rays, chemical pollution and so on. The holocaust is overcome, isn't it?
Nevertheless, as we still are dealing with the warrants of that time there should be mentioned also some accompanying circumstances, which read not there within (the warrants), because being included in the also until now secret sense outside of the warrants.
Quite in common, the conditions in closed hospitals and also in prison lack comfort and somewhat more. There exists torture, but also fun, and also all SPK patients from time to time enjoyed both. But there were also specific differences, not to be neglected in the context of the warrants as a whole. Shortly spokenall SPK patients in prison were taken for zombies and robots, because of their resistance against the doctors and the authorities (authorities = helpers of the doctors), except the two Huber, being regarded and treated as something like sub-patients, guilty for the still working resistance program, formerly implanted to the now imprisoned SPK patients, still going on working without any rest and exercised best by (the "zombies") themselves, but for luck of no influence on all the other also imprisoned "political groups", except the imprisoned part of the SPK itself, infecting also by and by more and more inmates among the so-called "common criminals". The prison administration up to the minister there - at a loss of consult about the "new quality" of patients' resistance against the prison doctors - saw mass-riots now standing before them, mass-riots, of which it would be difficult to take hold of and even more difficult to get them suffocated with conventional measures (inner-prison-punishment, shift into another prison, gas bombs, rifles), and addressed to the scientists.
Especially the psychologists and the case-workers, serving to the doctors in the prison as their helpers, had come to the just mentioned results on the SPK-structures and dynamics, there in the prisons, of course and even quite by distance, because they also were struck by the patients' resistance and therefore felt hindered to dare researches just in the same way as usual for them with other (common and political) prisoners. Yes, they did their researches out of a distance from more than 700 kilometers, namely also from Western Berlin, and they took down their results about the "zombies" (the imprisoned SPK patients) and the self-programmed sub-patients (the two Huber), published them in the universities and where ever else there was occasion for.
For the purpose also professors who gave lectures about politics and philosophy at the university of Heidelberg, Berlin or elsewhere liked very much to make use of the "protocol Dr. Huber" in "Kleinkrieg ..." as a proof for a behaviour consisting in sitting at the floor, speaking to walls and tables (things) in the presence of prosecutor and a judge (under-things), as it read, trying to open a door or a window and spitting there against, and so on and so on, thus a behaviour, which even no SPK patient was able to imitate and, for luck, no other "political prisoner"; the mentioned she- or he-professor taking from that the proof, that this Dr. Huber, who for the rest in no view was disturbed, but always was disturbing, was in a scientific view therefore neither a doctor, nor a patient, but something else, means: a sub-patient. The same Mrs. Dr. Huber was seemingly neither a doctor, nor a patient, following the mentioned scientific researches, because she later on at the court lay down at the floor, where the policemen had flung her, cut her beautiful fair hair up to the skin of the head, and ostentatively reading in a Marxian book, till the judge started with his court, and Mrs. Huber was grasped by some policemen and thrown down on a seat, fastened by the two policemen, just as the judge had ordered. Not only no doctor, no patient, but alsono mother of her children, and because of that even the family not apt to earn any pity, not to speak of favours guaranteed to all other imprisoned citizens by law (prolongated visiting times, exemption from imprisonment, when they have children and especially very little ones), as there was taken down by the scientists and in the same or other words also distributed in the newspapers.
Just for purpose, Dear Trevor: why didn't you ask us in your letter, whether for example also the two Huber belonged to the SPK or not? A difficult question, as you perhaps now realize, because even top-scientists up to about 8 years ago from now finally have turned out not being able to decide, whether the two Huber ever belonged to the SPK or not. But meanwhile there has grown up a new generation of medical doctors in old Germany, formed by examinations in the multiple choice system. Be it only one of them, who belongs to your for us until now secret sources, I will not hesitate to congratulate you, because some fine doctor like such surely can answer this question and perhaps some more, taken down in your last letter.
There was also help for the programmed zombie-robot-SPK-patients still or again in prison in 1974. This "help" came not from doctors immediately and also not even from under- or sub-patients like the two Huber. This "help" came from other political groups there in prison, who ordered, for the sake of solidarity, to give up the patients' resistance, be it only at the court or elsewhere in public. The patients obeyed to this command, again except the two Huber, but also went on continuing their resistance in prison, thus secretly, now again, as we learned from instructions, which are, as we hope, reliable, be it only in some few cases. In 1975, as the two Huber started their last hunger-strike, the named SPK patients were once more ordered (by the political groups there in prison) to keep on eating, and they obeyed again to the command, while some other prisoners, who before had been neither SPK patients, nor so-called political prisoners, so-called by themselves, joined the now Patientenfront-resistance, be it only for some days, and not to forget the support from outside, done by the SPK/PF-patients now in 1975, the names of whom were kept in secret for the two Huber in prison, "secret working circles" thus again and again.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
Here the next pages of the letter as we mentioned during our telephone call we just have finished.
You remember, what we told about pathopractical, diapathical and utopathical identity (so-called political, ideological and revolutionary identity), tied to illness, mentioned in the beginnings of this letter, and concerning also the beginnings of the SPK? Well, if you do, you and perhaps also the readers of your book are well prepared to give explanations about, why the two Huber each got four and a half years of prison, only four and a half years, and not more.
First the judge took all circumstantial evidences on his table, regardless all kinds of secret working circles and pushed the named fetishes over to the two Huber, figuratively spoken. Of course there among was a huge old and corroded printing machine, with a weight of about 3 hundredweights, the named printing machine formerly having been in a neighbour-town at a students' group room, then in Heidelberg at a students' group room, from where there resulted some prints in our book SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON (compare e.g. page 122/123), and finally the printing machine, because it made too much noise in the students' rooms, had been carried to the washing-room in the garden near the Wiesenbach house. It lasted about 3 months after the imprisonment, till the police came and ordered their workers to take the named machine off as a circumstantial evidence for, as they said: "falsificated passports". But quite on the contrary there had also been a tiny foil out of metal, about 1 centimeter to 3 centimeters, found in a black suitcase for patients' files, lying on a huge black Steinway concert piano in a room in the house of Wiesenbach. Not before the third or some later police search there after the 24 June 1971 they had taken off the named suitcase, which for the rest was empty, except the named foil. The judge took also the foil as a very heavy circumstantial evidence for "falsificating passports" and pushed it, not figuratively spoken, also over to the two Huber. And there were found the - on a preceding page of this letter in detail mentioned - city-quarter-destroying explosives in a cellar near the SPK rooms, which also were, figuratively spoken, pushed by the judge over to the two Huber, and also some more fetishes, found here and there and now and then at those times. From this "pushing-movement" of the judge, instigated by the doctors, never to forget, resulted the only 9 years, divided by two (two Huber), makes exactly 4 1/2 years for her and for him.
But on one of the last days of the great trial the compulsory-barrister (appointed by the court; Pflichtverteidiger) of Mrs. Dr. Huber arose from his seat, showed the students' SPK book "Kleinkrieg gegen Patienten" to the court, while shouting: "Everybody here in the room should have read this book, before doing any decision ... . I demand from the court, latest just and now, to release Mrs.Dr. Huber, because she is only the wife of Mr.Dr. Huber, and therefore, as a wife, must obey her husband". The court didn't obey the barrister, and also didn't ask for the book. In Germany the helping judgemen of course are not allowed to read something, except the literature, presented to them by the chief-judge. But what happened here at the court, had nothing to do, neither with the two male and the one female judgemen, nor with the chief-judge. For in the eyes of the doctors, over and behind them all, there were necessary the equal and the apt number of years for the two Huber, in order to sentence them twice and for life concerning their social existence, if not their biological one simultaneously.
All medical doctors themselves always have to do with explosives, poisons and knifes and so on, which are in principle and actually deadly, but they call them e.g. "medicaments". Quite on the contrary remember the Hubers' saying: "death to therapy, death to iatro-capitalist system".
The doctors, thus the real judges in the named trials, feigned that people like the two Huber, who have to do with explosives, for life are not allowed to come together with other people in any medical or even nursing profession. From that follows by consequence that all blasters, demolition- and other explosive experts like doctors either are died out or imprisoned.
If a patient kills a patient, there results a surviving patient, a patient for a doctor thus. If a doctor kills a doctor, there also results a surviving doctor, maybe transitorily transformed into a patient in the private ward of a Mental Hospital, but later on a doctor again, thus so to say: one doctor more. If a doctor kills a patient, that's of course no murder, but the more a therapeutical act. But what to do with under-patients, like the two Huber, who killed themselves, thus two formerly so fine and smart doctors like all the other doctors, but now in clothes like wretcheds and practising a behaviour, which even SPK patients are not able to imitate? What to do with persons, who prefer to be nobodies and everybodies at the same time, instead of being fine therapists by killing, and fine killers by therapy, or, shortly spoken: who prefer to be more alife than dead? They turned into jacker-hunters as they remained still in prison and arrestable also later on, you didn't ask for. They remained arrestable and also were (already in prison and also later on) wanted as compulsory witnesses. Of course they managed the wonder (brachten das Kunststueck fertig) not to appear in any single case at court or somewhere else to bear testimony as witnesses. Quite on the contrary the two Huber themselves made the doctors and their helpers becoming constrained to appear at court as witnesses and to bear testimonies concerning SPK, being submitted to a very closely questioning by the lawyers of the Patientenfront.
They also continued keeping under-dressed, just like in the remote times of SPK, where everybody was in the misery-quarters. Also they kept their programmed behaviour against doctors' ideologies and upper class customs. In upper class quarters, if they there for example asked the way, they happened to be well esteemed, after the first words pronounced by them. If there happened to be doctors with policemen, they even became identified as "colleagues" after some minutes of talking, and neither names nor passports had been in the game until then.
In the first moment after the prison they had no time, nor were there any conditions to think about profession, home or family. Their two daughters meanwhile, beside the school, had taken part in red support groups for prisoners and in committees of other groups. As the children of the two H they had been used there to practice in political activities, which ran the highest risk of becoming caught. As they first saw the "two walking skeletons", they were full of distrust, but nevertheless seemed to be somewhat glad with their parents again.
The latter had not to care about the other groups, but to provide to the daughters nourishment and a new home, because they just had been fired by their grandfather who since long ago had enough of the police, which always disturbed his home because of the two Huber-children there.
Some months later on, the children broke with the political groups voluntarily, and asked for activity in the Patientenfront. The little son kept staying with his "new" mother, and meanwhile in school, he sometimes wrote essays, in which he defended his parents as well as possible. He therefore earned from his teacher a not bad mark. Later on his "new" mother asked by her lawyer, whether the son could not change his name. The two Huber agreed, and so it was well done, as we cannot but hope about that.
Two years later the two daughters got arrest warrants, because of their formerly having belonged to the mentioned other political groups. The Patientenfront turned this thing into a trial against the doctors there over and behind, with good and permanent success until now. Proof: "... Anfangen", page 129, line 4 from above to line 9: "A prison-jacker and also a police-president ...".
Yes, the two H had neither time, nor were there ever the conditions to care about their prohibition of profession (Berufsverbot), nor about their "rehabilitation" concerning jacker-upper-class-and-even-jacker-underdog-customs. Their acquired behaviour-reflexes, acquired by self-doing, continued to work best. Even their medical knowledges and their skills at all, are often asked by the Patientenfront, to which they indeed belong, being from time to time and just as there passes some occasion, the most advanced Frontpatients; and that must be mentioned, if there arise doubts, whether they ever did belong to the SPK, where they had been, as we have to admit, indeed under-patients, nevertheless living among, with and under other SPK patients, being still medical doctors and, respectively, psychiatrists, if that is a contrary in any SPK-view.
But now there is maybe reached or even passed the climax of curiosity in yourself and also in your coming readers, what there resulted from the warrants* against the other SPK patients.
We elsewhere mentioned: "... we were sentenced because of "gezieltes revolutionaeres Handeln" ("revolutionary doing by a common will and aim") (nota benissime!). As you can see in this formula there lacks completely the word illness, both as basic matter and as the aim. They substituted it by "verfassungsmaessige Ordnung der Bundesrepublik", the latter which also lacks the word illness. Thus: no concern to illness, bullshit." Why we note this: no prosecutor in the world should dare to mention such a nonsense once more, be it in a warrant or elsewhere. But also: stop smiling.
In the summary, they all proved, that they had become able, be it only transitorily, to turn from "zombies" and "robots" - to say it for truth, in the just named scientifically and objectively proved words -, into someones who had become able to gain and to maintain upper class positions, but never to run a life again, completely determined by the norms of doctors and by the upper class customs.
One of the women meanwhile was employed as a doctor at a great clinic, had married, born one or more children and nevertheless sought contacts to the Patientenfront, since 1976. She was never accepted again.
Another SPK patient from the warrants - after the SPK called the "SPK chief-ideologist" by the doctors and their helpers, a "chief-idiot" by other political groups also in prison - was later on a counselling member attached to an African government, became there also a medical doctor, and the SPK woman, also with a SPK warrant you asked for, was there with him, giving lectures and counsels the same. Both were not accepted in the Patientenfront later on.
One SPK patient, also with a warrant you asked for, the only SPK patient who suffered a transitorily psychiatric break down therefore, later on became a teacher at a private school and succeeded in becoming divorced from a meanwhile PF woman.
Another of the then imprisoned "SPK zombies", a meanwhile doctor in natural sciences, continues his social-revolutionary resistance by achieving astrologic programs for forecasts and patients' control, while doing his work as a computer specialist, employed in a permanent capacity in a respected firm. By a former friend in the SPK, a later on - but not because of SPK - imprisoned occasional-lefty, the just mentioned now computer-robot-zombie then also had been called a "chief-idiot".
An SPK girl, then also imprisoned by warrant, was caught around the 20 July 1978 because of SPK, somewhere in the Northern U.S.A. As it read in the newspapers, she now was very fond of playing tennis and studying jurisprudence.
Just some weeks ago one of the former by warrant most wanted SPK patients and also a pre-programmed resistance zombie and robot then in prison, pre-programmed by the under-patient Dr. Huber, has phoned the Patientenfront for help. As a physicist-teacher he after the SPK had been marked as the "SPK-explosive-master" by the doctors and their helpers, while in reality suffering from a tremendous phobia, and nobody had better knowledges about that than the Heidelberg psychiatrist doctors and also the internists there. To add, that in the SPK and in the atmosphere there, pregnant from explosives, his phobia had disappeared, being replaced by his volcanic-revolutionary rhetorics, causing fear and anxiety, when unmasking especially chief-doctor-secret-circles in public. Now he suffers from a bad liver (the word liver being derived from 'to live', means: survive in a iatro-capitalist world), because after the SPK he once was constrained to take the profession of a wine-gourmand, wrote books about that, gained a lot of money and a loss of liver, sorry, an exuberantly growing poisoned liver, his rhetorics meanwhile burned down, but his memories and his heal- and doctor-damning instincts still working best.
Well, 7 identities, eternally tied to illness. Add also the 3 more identities, concerning the 3 meanwhile dead former SPK patients. 7 + 3 = 10. Ten warrants to "identify and imprison" SPK patients. In none sense, the warrants, instigated by the doctors, ever could identify anything. The SPK patients had to do it by themselves, and they did it indeed by revolutionary illness. The rest was falsification and string-pulling by means and by base of the existing iatro-capitalist system. Yes, we never lost the contact to reality and truth, for illness' sake. We not.
The last from the now dead SPK patients, about whom you asked us only respectively to the warrants, died on 20 May 1987. So it happened to be read some weeks later in a quite modest announcement, done by his widow to such a damned Heidelberg newspaper, and she must have paid for, of course.
We don't know, whether the death was caused for example by a jaywalking, but we know, that nobody did care about that later on. We ourselves had sent one of the daughters of Huber in 1976, first time when she had happened to visit Heidelberg, to the wife of the now dead, former SPK patient. She had begged the Huber-daughter never to come again, because she was in fear, that her husband, now again in prison, but not because of SPK, could risk disadvantages by other political groups, to the command of whom he had felt constrained to obey because of "solidarity" since 1974, but continuing his patients' resistance in prison secretly, as already mentioned, but truely, as here to add.
Before the SPK, on a voluntarily done visit to a student doctor at the University of Heidelberg, this all time happy student-boy, refusing theories, but preferring practical activities all time, finally had come to the Psychosomatic Clinic of the university, and there he had jumped head beneath from a stair, because the doctors there had ordered him to go to the Psychiatric Clinic of the university, accompanied by some carate-nurses, they had called for precaution from the ward of Dr. Kretz. There he became labelled by the diagnosis of a "schizophrenia", but soon he was released and came to Dr. Huber into the Psychiatric Polyclinic, where he soon passed over to group therapy, needing never medicaments but, as he said, practical education in politics, because all practising yoga and sports, like judo and carate, had turned out to be no longer of any interest or use for him.
Most of the books, the records, and the tapes in the SPK and in Wiesenbach, later on circumstantial evidences at the court in Karlsruhe against the SPK, had been provided and even chosen by him, while he himself had less interest in that, except some tapes and records, which he liked very much, except also the collective discussions about the former revolutionary contents in the books, discussions, he always was eager not to miss.
Later on the police doctor-helpers certified him a "high intelligence". This praise resulted from the fact, that the now dead SPK patient had detected and unmasked quite secretly, but known to all in the SPK, a doctor- and police-collaborator from the already named newcomers already about quarter of a year before the self-dissolution of the SPK. For this purpose he himself had taken in front of the mentioned newcomer the mask of a police-collaborator (schizophrenia?), and soon the newcomer had trusted him, and soon the newcomer had gained more trust by the police, and both, the SPK patient, and the Lefty newcomer, the failed medicine-student and later on jurisprudence-student, you remember, had turned into "high intelligent persons", as followed from the police files, because now (!) also confirmed by the psychiatric doctors.
For the rest there is to be mentioned, that the books and all the other things had been paid by Huber, not with the money of the university, because he surely would have died of hunger, if he had waited for that. The money resulted from a lot of scientifically and voluntarily done reports, some about several hundred pages long, used for the defence of patients incriminated at court. Until now we dispose of documents, in which the typing women had blamed Dr. Huber, because he had not demanded enough money for his work. Also the psychiatrist Kretz had done reports, but they were mostly very thin, but the more high in demanded money for, because Kretz, we already mentioned it in this letter, had to pay for his new-bought blue mercedes-car, which he never entered without putting on finest special leather-gloves before. But later on he refused even to touch the file of a former Huber patient, be it by dressed hands, and not to speak of each Huber patient herself or himself, related to the named files.
Yet more about money? Please, take it also easy, Dear Trevor. Indeed you didn't ask us any questions about that in your last letter, not yet thus, but you announced us a lot of more questions in your following letter. Remember the Bible: "What you go doing, do it soon", just so or similar (Jesus to Judas*), and excuse, being always aware, that I am no English native Bible reader.
Somebody, say Stefan Aust, the inferiority-complex+ of whom are his by him so-called inside-informations. He was never in the SPK, but quite on the contrary maybe in the student movement.
(German title: Der Baader-Meinhof-Komplex. In German no sub-title concerning "inside-informations").
Well, somebody, whom we named elsewhere a modern Judas, achieved an English translation, in which it perhaps also reads, just as in the moment I take it from my German memory, that SPK patients stole vegetables from the fields of the farmers and cooked and ate in an SPK kitchen. Perhaps, for the sake of some of your coming readers you can take from that the conclusion, that patients are not always parasites, in spite of the for sure not casual circumstance, that also these both words begin with aP. To admit, that patients sometimes become extinguished like parasites by doctors and their helpers also by means of literature. The patients stole vegetables and other things for their use in the SPK. They by that produced a circumstantial evidence, that either they were no parasites or the two Huber were patients among, or better, namely scientifically spoken: beneath-patients, under-patients, under-human-beings. Proof: Mrs.Dr. Huber, in prison, was asked to pay back at once several thousands Deutschmarks to her bank, by menace of punishment. From what resulted those credit-debts, never having such before? There were a lot of hungry patients people in the SPK, but no doctors, ready to take them therefore for parasites. By far it was not only Marlies Lutz, who had to eat and to drink and therefore to pay, without money in her hands, refused to her by all insurances and doctors there behind and above, except Mrs.Dr. Huber, a later on so-called degenerated monster of a mother, so-called publically. Maybe some of your readers later on feel grateful to you, if you can take down, that stealing patients in a society of property-fixed egoists - while being also Marxian materialists, because they sometimes have to eat and to drink, sometimes just like other people - nevertheless can turn into the contrary of parasites, be it only by breaking most sacrosanct laws and taboos of most healthy property, automatically forgetting their inhibitions about that, because seduced by the running program of dangerous SPK ideology, implanted into them by self-programmed money-givers, living far beyond their means. We also don't know the words of the headline in English, by which is entitled the telling-tales-book of the modern million-dollar-Judas about the SPK. As I remember the headline in German, I would translate it by the words: "Fools, take the gun".
We also remember, that there had been a discussion in the SPK, when a patient there had brought a book out of the US-city-library, the book by Alfred Rosenberg "The myth of the 20th century" ("Der Mythos des 20. Jahrhunderts"), the author being hanged as a war-criminal at Nuremberg by the US-forces in Europe. The former SPK patient remembered also, that he had mentioned there in the SPK his memories of Hitler's last army, and the then present patients, about a dozen, had been deeply impressed, comparing now the medically proved, safe and sound German race there in the book with the memories of his, there added to. From that results the headline "Fools, take the gun", as it seems to us. An inside-information thus, nevertheless? A head- and deathline of a modern Dr. Mengele helper.
Maybe, some of your readers will enjoy this detail in your book, even if they already got the "truth" about that by the lecture of the - as we suppose - first "SPK-pilot-story", which there appeared in the U.S.A., being published with so great success, and in spite of nothing is more successful than success, as we also do know.
For the rest the author was sentenced and punished by a German court because of this book, sentenced by a German court. Punished and sentenced. Only sentenced, but not hanged, no, not yet.
In this case KRANKHEIT IM RECHT, thus we ourselves, had nothing to do but wait, just as it had been proposed to us by our computer-programming astrologist, whom we mentioned above as detailed as possible for us at the moment.
Just I remember your tape, your works, some of your life-experiences and my impressions about that. There is peace, good mood, love, good hope and trust, perhaps a lot of courage and also politeness and modesty. The same I have a certain impression about the impressions caused by this letter on you. Impossible to compare. But that is not the question.
Impossibility is wanted and necessary. Perhaps that's it. Guessing that impossibility be the matter, some notes can be useful about my actual situation, while taking down some of our results in this letter. If you wonder about the details, there is an explanation: in remote times some of us practised to remember everyday-events against the current of time. When I started this letter, I could not fall asleep any more, nor wake up as usual. I therefore need to say, that I am now in an altered state, and can do most of the other things only in a mechanical way, and perhaps sometimes need some help, because for example, there is no time-line associated and no patterns at all to the rising ghosts and phantasmata. The others helped and confirmed.
I am surrounded by literature, which has nothing to do with the letter. There is for example a Spanish book on Sevilla and Yucatan, written by somebody under the indeed very romantic name Roso di Luna, to add: Mario. A book in French, "la liberté que je prends", more spoken than written by the Italian Armando Verdiglione, now still in prison or out again. I met him last time in 1976. There is a book in German by the Netherlander Frits H. Julius about "The Animal Between Man And Cosmos" (e.g.: How do birds generate warmth under polar conditions?). There are also a lot of photocopies in Spanish and in German on the dolmen, old tombs or somewhat else, nobody can tell exactly, in any rate about 3000 years back from now. There is also a little keyboard and a pocket-chromonica, and I practise some hours a day, if possible and if the battery works, at the moment also Blues patterns, each of them through all 12 keys, though preferring to learn some more Mompou or Mozart by heart.
Until now they (Frontpatients) don't stop repeating, that we never answered multiple choice questions about the SPK and almost every day some more vote against that. It is true, that we once decided to continue our own revolution, and that we had a good time up from then, some years before 1989. In my own opinion we at any time can return to this good decision again. It is quite easy to decide, because there is no game all around, we truly like. The game of worth in commodities and in psychology is not our game. We are convinced to have no worth at all. We have no position in any position of society and also no position in the game concerning the hunger in the world, the differences between poor and rich there at present, because we also know from experience, that the often blamed so-called ideology there can work better in every body, than differences like the mentioned and some more.
We are convinced, that someone who strives tosuppress all her or his personal possibilities and talents which favourish and nourish the games there around, does the best to be done. That is difficult, for truth. There is no need to call for a protection by law and order, e.g. to have this method patented. Unions and alliances are there involved, if they are worth nothing. Especially marvels belong to realism. About all that there can't be but misunderstandings.
Please let us work for you and don't feel guilty. To our situation it also belongs, that utopathy is reached, our way of revolutionary living in illness and its contents replacing reality by truth, better spoken: efficiency, far beyond usual and unusual standards.
If our common situation in your eyes should look somewhat like Tom Sawyer-and-his-friends, it doesn't matter at all, because there remains, that old aunt illness for truth needs a new paint on her garden-fence.
I took it from your birthday and your name, that guilt isn't your problem; but the same, that it is your task to writeexactly just as, e.g. Homer did long long ago, before Troja and so on were detected as a reality, in spite of having been taken down by Homer and read by generations of high sophisticated people as nothing else but an incredible myth, thus somewhat like ideology.
If I caused more misunderstandings and impossibilities by this maybe erroneous remarks, let it pass by. If they (the misunderstandings and impossibilities) vanished, the better.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
Dear friend Trevor:
Enclosed you find another 9 pages of the letter.
Before reading your letter once more, in order to answer the questions or to conclude before, I will first deal with our relations to manifestations in New York in 1971 and the events all around March 1970, for which you asked. But first some remarksin review of the letter here.
Our proceedings at the courts, if we ourselves there appealed, be it only for completeness, from the beginnings run through all instances, from the lowest to the highest, except that our lawyers and barristers became excluded by the prison-authorities (first exclusions in post-war-Germany were against SPK, how could it be otherwise) and did nothing, sometimes without even noticing that the transfer was cut through.
If there arise contradictions between the data in this letter and somewhere else, including the time-line, from which we for the rest do not know, if you make use also of the bigger one in German (and we still keep here another and even bigger time-line), then please prefer the time-line. Slight differences in content, if there are, for example about our needing to nourish or to have money in the one context, in difference to another, are not very difficult to be resolved, regarding for example our explanation about ideology and its importance, mentioned in the upper section of this letter.Real contradictions are between the patients' class and the doctors' class, shortly spoken. In the letter and in our collective context there are no doctors.
One or the other quite slight contradiction can also arise from unintentional humor, be it even on our own side. Only shades (nuances) thus. The readers themselves will find it out.
Thereby it just comes to me a fleeting shadow in our warrants, which I forgot to mention. Explosive material, found in a tax-office-mailbox, in the warrants dated to 9/10 March 1971. Thus also an "assault against the German constitution" and a circumstantial evidence for "urban guerilla", following the warrants. Following Marx, tax-offices, and thus also the mailboxes there, have absolutely nothing to do with the basical elements of any capitalist constitution. The first causor resp. auctor (cause, the person) of the finding, a "Marxist" but emigrant from a "communist" Eastern country, had been excluded from the SPK in summer 1970 by collective decision, because he cared about nothing but some exhibitionist hobbies of his, even boring women there, thus phenomena, which for the rest in his opinion had absolutely nothing to do with the tertiary sector of capitalism, the sector of consumption, exhibition, generating simultaneously wants and dependency and the need to acquire and maintain both, lacking the money to pay for, if they produce just like in the case here also allergic skin-damages and high debts owing to the doctors, who of course without any success had submitted him to their therapies, causing nothing but more damages, and finally had sent him to the psychiatrists, where he had been in compulsory therapy for some weeks, not at Huber and not in the Psychiatric Polyclinic.
Nevertheless he had come again after his "action" against the mailbox to the public working circle on Monday in the SPK*, boasting about it. Of course he got no warrant, when the 9 + 2 + 1 SPK patients got some all around the 20 July 1971 and were thrown into the 11 different prisons, except him. But his lion-of-the-day-activity for some months was also in all warrants, tied to the "secretly working explosive circles", remaining there and repeatedly appearing, least in the indictment, no, inclusively also within the indictment, which for the rest by way of criminal justice was given to the mass-media and spread there all around in Europe. But about the latter fact nobody cared, except the archives in Genf, some years later on, taking down a small note about that.
public working circle on Monday was called "public" also at the times of SPK, because it was announced as a working circle open to the public, thus not only for SPK patients. The public working circle on Monday was something like an open day every week at special hours, announced to and known to the public. At this public working circle everybody could take part, also people who didn't want to join SPK. To this public working circle on Monday, the SPK e.g. also invited by leaflet its enemies, as e.g. Rector Rendtorff or cultus-minister Hahn to come for a discussion (they never did come). Also for the rest, there was more publicity in all rooms and homes of SPK permitted and in use, than say between most shameless couples. A leading police officer later on felt terrorized by the idea, as he took down, that once it could happen to himself, to become submitted to a group agitation as the last and only possibility to recover from illness and to keep his profession (a doctor-governed foreign body liking to remain a reactionary piece of illness from its start to its end, from head to foot). "If the Huber-therapy is therapy and once becomes a standard", there added the mentioned police leader, "I prefer death. That's my private decision, and at least therapy must remain forever a private and intimately done, secretly done service to everybody." (Look also the hints, there related to, in the police files in "Kleinkrieg ...": "Dr. Huber ... in groups... .") Either the police leader was mistaken, or there was neither a secret, nor a therapy in the SPK. All the worse: It worked!
Also those details can be of some interest for some readers, who maybe wonder about our "seemingly crazy" theory that for all that the doctors are the initiators and the governors, without any relation to illness. For truth, the patients in the prison very consciously were tied to illness. Proof: none of them appears by name in your letter, though there appear a lot of other names, for which you ask by multiple choice. That is, of course, in no way your guilt. It is our strong supposition, that the mentioned modern Judas* indeed knew best each name of the SPK patients, thrown into prison. But he had a special interest to keep them secret, replacing them by other names, tied in no way to illness or to the SPK, but the more to "crime & politics", which sell better in a society in which, as there was written once in an IZRU-paper: "Murder all around in no way is punished at all, except it hurts a law of the ruling class", that is the therapying iatro-capitalist ruling class, as there is to add now, because the doctors in the IZRU at that time extinguished the latter mentioned words.
We don't know the title of the English translation of his book.
I myself have no separating phobia in front of lion-of-the-day-activities. Quite on the contrary, I would join again in every moment to such "heroic methods", regardless all consequences, if there were anybody apt to convince me about that, be it only theoretically. But until to this moment I never met somebody, able to convince me, that there is any basical element within, tied to illness, for patients'-people sake.
Being aware from your letter, that the names of the SPK warrant-patients are of uttermost interest for the readers of your book about the SPK, I nevertheless can't exclude for the moment, whether you will not change your opinion, whether you, by reading this letter until here, now know more.
For ourselves there is also the difficulty, that it would take too much circumstances and time, the latter also regarding your own intentions and schedules (Terminierungen) to achieve your book, if we should now attempt to get the permission in any case, and in some cases also from the relatives, to publish the names in your book.
On the other hand, you already dispose of all the asked names, having bought our books, with the there by former permission published names, the first time published without any permission, published by the doctors and their helping authorities, of course without any patient's consent.
To repeat here also the fact, that quite a lot of the not imprisoned patients learned the full name of the imprisoned patients for the first time from the newspapers and asked there all around, whether the there mentioned names indeed corresponded to the one or to the other nick-name, better known to them from the everydays' meetings and also from the sleepings together in the night.
Remember also our struggles to get back the patients' files from the beginnings of the SPK, be it even by intended grievous burglary and employing explosives, if necessary for purpose, not to forget the fact, that the chief of the Heidelberg Psychiatric Clinic still in the '80s published "scientific researches" based on exactly those files and dealing exactly with those patients and their names, the illness of whose he obstinately had denied in public during all the time of the existing SPK and the more later on, when there were the imprisonments.
Not to forget to mention here, that he (the chief) in his later on publications had to complain about the fact, that the files of Dr. Huber on the one hand presented a surprising level of accuracy, but on the other hand obviously and by intention were encoded in the most important parts, so that nobody except Dr. Huber himself could make use of them (secret working circles, already in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, practising encoded researches and therapies. Forgotten in the warrants. Blinka blink, dink dink).
Just for the purpose and for some more I dare to propose to you, to mention only the two first letters of each prename. Thus:
age at that time
For some of your readers it is perhaps of greatest importance to learn, that about the half of the here listed SPK patients in a so-called scientifically done evaluation would not have been so-called psychiatric cases, but suffered in the beginnings of their coming either to the Psychiatric Polyclinic or to the Psychiatric Clinic from accidents, mutilating operations, as one-side ovarectomy (amputation of an ovary), only because of pains there and after the operation more plaints; poisonings, acquired by compulsory therapy in the Psychiatric Clinic and even electro-shocks and so on and so on.
Most of the here listed later on SPK patients had been former pupils or students after a break-out or a break-down, not to forget the by doctor-colleagues in the beginnings of the SPK so-called "deplorable development" of one of the doctors, there beneath in the list.
About the later on development of all, after the 22 and more years in prison, spent there until to the last day by constraint, we already have dealt in this letter as detailed and as excessively as we can for the moment. They are not in trouble, that they risk disadvantages at their work places for example, if there will appear your book. They once have learned to struggle by the methods of patients-people's-warfare, and for the rest there is the Patientenfront, ready for support and reinforcement, if they need and ask for.
Just for the purpose I dare to do a proposal more to you. If you can, please don't publish with the same publisher, which had served to the modern Judas. As to admit, I am, regarding the latter proposal, at a loss for basical arguments, and therefore can only hint at aesthetics.
Now forward to your question on the New York demonstration in the last weeks of the SPK.
First to mention, that we got it from someone of the SPK, whom we are no more very pleased to remember, and he got it by telephone just one or two days before there appeared the flyer, in which it is mentioned. We got in the times of SPK a lot of messages from U.S.-people, as well from Europe more, but also from the States.
I myself still do remember some messages by phone and all the other messages, we removed as soon as we could do. This kind of secret doing needs some explanation, for not all the readers from nowadays can imagine, what there happened at those remote times.
Some weeks or some months before there started the SPK, one night in the Psychiatric Clinic a top-urgent case was announced to Dr. Huber by the doorman. As he came to the door there lay a husky, short-haired young man on the bottom, dressed in nightclothes, without shoes, totally exhausted, almost breathless, and very excited, saying to him only the word "secret, secret", in English of course. The doorman asked, if he should call nurses and which tranquilizer injection they should bring with them. In spite of being at a loss of consult Huber sent back the doorman to his work and kept waiting on the bottom. After a while he addressed to the "patient", saying in English: "Can I speak to you?" The man turned his eyes to him, slowly got up and followed him to a doctor-office for women, cared not about it, that Huber shut the doors by key, and sat down on the chair offered to him. As he told, he was a U.S. sergeant, back from Vietnam, but now on return. Therefore he had run away and reached the Psychiatric Clinic, named to him by his German girl-friend, who had been a former short-time patient of Huber, in order to be hidden there. Huber, being not so very accustomed to English language, but more to old Roman imperium doctors' Latin at those times, did not lose many words, regarded the feet and once more the body of the man, let him there, closing the door once more by key, ran to the doorman, saying to him, that he was on the way to provide some medicaments, and then walked to a nurse, to whom he could trust, and got shoes and a coat, which he secretly brought to the sergeant, who left the clinic without being noticed by the doorman, while Huber called the doorman by phone to tell him the name of a little village in Northern Germany, which he, the doorman, could only find on a map, hanging at the wall of a secretary office, for which he had to leave his doorman's office. The sergeant had also got some German money and some addresses.
Some days later there came the Military Police to the chief of the Psychiatric Clinic, but nobody could remember anything about the night in question. This event had happened in 1969. Formerly, in 1944/45 the French Nazi-collaborator Laval, who had sent thousands of jews in death by gas in Auschwitz, therefore later on sentenced and executed in France, had been hidden in a private apartment of the Heidelberg Psychiatric Clinic by the doctors there until a lot of months after the end of war. And indeed under the most comfortable conditions. His wife all time at his side, mostly in the bed. Times had changed meanwhile and there was of course no hiding-place in the Psychiatric Clinic of Heidelberg, when there came a simple sergeant, who was, be it everything else, but no Nazi-collaborator, no longer.
Next time, in the beginnings of May 1970 there came an SPK girl, a former patient in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, who now, besides her studies, worked in the military barracks at Heidelberg, caring about some children there, with a message, "destined only to Dr. Huber" and said, that her chief, a high-ranking officer of the U.S. army, had ordered to her, to say to Dr. Huber, that he and his patients could do in Germany, whatever they liked to do, but if one of them should do anything against the U.S. forces, they had to be quite sure, that they risked their lives, just like everybody else.
Some days before, there had taken place a manifestation through the U.S.-quarter against the occupation of Cambodia on 30 April 1970. About a dozen SPK people with Huber among them had joined this manifestation, consisting of some hundred persons.
Most black people, and of course only women and children had opened their windows and shown their signs of solidarity and consent to this manifestation. When it passed the barracks of the Military Police, the soldiers there beside the entrance had jumped into a straddle position before the door, presenting their automatic rifles at their bodies in a vertical direction. Some eggs with colour therein had reached the wall of the barracks.
From the midst of March 1970 there had entered a lot of later on SPK patients the SPK, who came from a neighbour-town, where also were U.S. military barracks. Some of them were very close to most black G.I.s and to their families.
At the end of the SPK there had been caught in K-town two so-called Black Panthers distributing flyers. They chose the same lawyers, who defended the two SPK patients, who were kept in prison since 24 June 1971.
Well, we had in the times of the SPK good relations to American people, but obviously not to high-ranking doctors in the U.S. army, and of course the mentioned high-ranking officer and friend of the SPK-girl with the mentioned message, happened to be also a doctor.
If the mentioned manifestation in New York in favour of the SPK patients should have been only a flop, there nevertheless rests, that American people don't need to care about, because SPK has gone, but some Krankheitsbegriff (concept of illness) will come.
As you perhaps realize, the latter explanations also touch your question on what there was with the SPK all around March 1970 and what in our opinion American people should know about it.
Regarding the time-lines you already got, we have to conclude from your question, that you got by the there mentioned data and the comments there belonging to, either too much information or information which seems to you of less interest, especially regarding the prospective readers.
As we cannot decide from your question, what you mean, we think it best, to answer as well quite in common, but also quite in detail. To answer quite in common means, that we have to attempt here to explain how American people were involved in the SPK-events all around March, even if they knew and know absolutely nothing about it. To answer by details means, that details, being phenomena, can speak their own language about the whole, they belong to, if there is interest in the readers, though not being a well trained phenomenologist everybody. In the latter case it should be your task, to choose, which of the many details seems to you characteristic enough, to be presented to the readers. We therefore only have to provide the conditions for a multiple choice.
Now, all around March 1970 there was a dying student movement all over in the Western World and the last cries for revolution were to hear. All over in the Western World during the named student movement, from the beginnings the patients had been excluded from taking part like the others, not extinguished, only excluded, destined to wait until the end of revolution, if the others had won, who then had to care first for the most important things, including perhaps also the patients, but not first, therefore perhaps latest, perhaps not at all, perhaps by extinguishing them, including others, but in the case of extinguishing them, patients first (look around, remember the past, care about genetics, our future, today).
Simultaneously all around March 1970 there existed in Germany a doctors' class, which the U.S. forces after the last World War had come to exculpate, though having been most of them (the doctors) members in the Nazi-party, Hitler and Himmler being there also members, thus a criminal organization, most of the doctors having been exculpated by the U.S. forces, and many of them proud of that until nowadays; some doctors, as to admit, having been hanged as war-criminals, but also and the same a lot of Nazis who hadseemed to be the governors. The former Nazi-doctors continued to govern or seemingly continued not to govern, because now there was a democracy here, like in the U.S.A., because the U.S. forces and also their Western and Eastern Allied Forces had come to exculpate German Nazi-doctors, to say: almost all of them. Therefore, American people should ask themselves first, what there is the same and what is the difference between German Nazism and American Nazism, if there is also some, and what there is the difference between German doctors and American doctors concerning exculpation for example.
Maybe you don't need to explain to your readers, that all around March in 1970 there was also illness and there were also patients all over the world. But what your readers should become aware by your book is the fact, that only and exclusively in Heidelberg there began all around March 1970 a lot of patients, and among them quite a lot of bodily disturbed patients, began to cry for revolution, to attack the doctors, to transform the last relicts of the student movement either into patients-people or to send them back to their doctor-devils at the university and elsewhere for re-adaption. Remember for that also the Bible: "The last shall be first" and add: "The first shall be last", means: their doctor, their first until then and in their eyes, turned out to have become the last among them, be she- or he-doctor only the latest to leave prison later on.
Regarding the more specific circumstances of the events all around March 1970 your readers should be enabled to learn, that patients who do so, can take care for that, whenever and wherever they start to do the same thing, that they have to like the illness in the patients at their side, just like if it was their own life, for their life or death depends on that. For the purpose there is to mention also, that it was the French philosopher Sartre, for whom you also asked us in your letter, who did a most important description upon that. While Foucault for example did nothing but to be an obstacle in the way of patients, when he in an excessively filled doctors' assembly in 1976 in Paris sat on the step of a stair, where he kept sitting, when some patients ran to help another patient there above at the microphone, who was attacked by a crowd of doctor-patients. But that is only a detail, be it not a phenomenon, thus some more detail, you asked for.
Perhaps American people enjoy criticism and therefore would like to ask us if they could, what there were our more or less great mistakes around our beginnings quite in common.
*The patients for example recommended to Huber to appear alone in front of the secret working university's councils, administration counsils and so on, depending on a "Lefty" lawyers' advice. The results of those performances he also had to manage alone, later on. He, a volcano of ice-cold energy, if there was need, but a more slender man, an average welter-weight by body and bones, but well-tonic, raged there 'like the ax in the wood', as we say in Germany ('behaved like a boor') and as the fine doctors and administrators later on commented in public; Huber had chosen that behaviour instead of a taboo-armoured behaviour, an imprisoned behaviour, imprisoned by courtesy-crippling forms (always the choice of the respective person and there is a choice!), the doctors, as they made take down the journalists, lacking words, forces of imagination and of course lacking former experiences to describe the banning and damning adventure, done to them by Huber, as they not forgot to add. (Events of around 18 February 1970)
About detailed informations forward from 1 March 1970, we were also in permanent correspondence with 4 SPK patients and about the time up from 1 March 1970 there was one more SPK patient to our disposition.
The 1st March was a Sunday. The later on SPK in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 at Heidelberg thus started on Monday, 2 March 1970. Before we had left the administration building on Saturday noon after the hunger-strike there, we had a short discussion on the further proceedings, before the patients then went home or elsewhere. One had proposed to care about the keys for Rohrbacherstrasse 12 next Monday in the morning and also about all the other things. Some others, there among Huber, went to find the named building before returning home at Wiesenbach. To add, that there also had been decided collectively to take down the needed declarations about the event just finished.
First those with Huber, when they had reached the police headquarter in search of the Rohrbacherstrasse 12, took all for a flop. But when the traffic lights turned from red to green, they crossed the street and noticed the number 12 there in front of the building with the great reflecting glass-doors. They studied the nameplates there beside, some names, a firm and again some names, and finally there was also a nameplate, hinting to somewhat about the university. Hungry and tired, as they were, especially the women, they returned once or twice more to become assured by reading again. Then they walked to the next phone box, in order to inform some patients, who meanwhile had returned to their homes, that they, until Monday, could do their journeys all around the Republic in order to return there "all things, for which at the moment there seemed to be no longer need", because not before Monday there could turn out, if the "compromise", handled out between the patients and the chief-rector with the doctors there behind and above, had been a flop or not.
In the car to Wiesenbach, the three patients continued their discussion, after they had decided, to decide at the moment nothing, which could be proposed to the patients' collective, because their condition after the only two days and nights of hunger-strike obviously had not yet left the critical state, which can't be expected to be over, before at least three days of continued hunger-activity are over.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
thank you for your letter of 14 December 1993 and especially for your many art works!
You have written about your cold and your thoughts about that.
A common cold and a common question concerning illness, as often asked by people coming to KRANKHEIT IM RECHT.
We send you a note about your question and how is talked about such a question with people coming to us, by this giving you some more insight into our practical work - beside what you already know from the KRANKHEIT IM RECHT information sheet and the week list of activity, from SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON, from the time-line, from our former letters and especially from our current letter.
(K = KRANKHEIT IM RECHT, P = people who come to us).
K: You are talking about a "virus". How can you be sure that something like a so-called virus actually does exist?
P: Everyone is talking about ...
K: The word "virus" comes from the doctors. The meaning of this word from old Latin is: poison. So you were poisoned. Who was it who poisoned you?
I don't know if you have a "virus" in your body, but I know that your mind has been poisoned and colonized by the doctors' language imposed on you. You are talking about "virus" like in former times they talked of demons and devils as the cause of illness. From those ancient theories there followed e.g. an exorcism by the therapists of those times, and from the theory of "virus" there follows another treatment as prescripted and executed by the doctors of nowadays and their theory.
I am not talking about whether demons do exist or not - if you are interested we can talk about that later on - I am talking about mind imperialism (Hirnimperialismus) imposed by the doctors, about iatrarchy, to use the exact word.
P: Anyway, there was a weakening of my body defenses and therefore the virus could have effects on me ...
K: Now I tell you a secret, published more than 20 years ago: the only real immun defense system is - - illness. Illness is resistance. By illness you defend yourself against the effects of iatro-capitalism. Be glad that you have illness.
Illness is productive, it is illness itself which produces "virus" as well as it can create proliferating flesh, growing life, what the medical men call "cancer", it can create earth what the doctors call kidney-stones or gallbladder-stones and it can produce realities which only some people can perceive and others can't what is called optical and acoustic hallucinations. These are the particular manifestations of the productive force of illness if illness is suppressed and put in chains by the jackers. But what illness actually will produce is the human species (Gattung), something which can't be found, least can be bought, but has to be done, by patients. And therefore in every single manifestation of illness the most important thing is not what can be perceived e.g. as high pulse, fever, anxiety, proliferation, broken leg and so on, but you must be aware of what is lacking and what hasn't been achieved yet: the human species (Gattung). And from that follows consequently that no medicament, no medical treatment can achieve the human species (Gattung), the unity of people tied together by illness. Medical treatment can only mislead illness and tie it to single manifestations. And you help putting illness in chains by using words like "virus" which transform illness into some tiny crystal instead of better seeing it or him or her as God, stronger than any ridiculous virus.
P: Okay, I see, there are different theories of illness, and the one you have is obviously completely opposite to what doctors think. But I am not at all interested in theories ...
K: We are talking about doing. Columbus had the theory that the world is not a disc but a round globe and from that followed that you can cross the Atlantic in Western direction to reach the countries in the Far East. A new theory, another kind of action and enormous social effects, ask the people in South America and what they think of the conquistadors.
We don't want to spread a new theory of illness of how to catch a cold and you don't have to agree with us. What we are doing is to recommend what is important for those who get messed around everyday. You, too, are an object of the doctors' everydays warfare against the patients. But where is your counter-attack?
You were talking about body defenses. Don't you know that there is a connection between your so-called weakening of the body defenses and x-rays and radioactive material blown into the air by e.g. atom-tests? And who is profiting by those experiments?
You don't have to believe in "virus". But what you are quite sure from your daily living is that this society is divided into two parts, there are exploiters and there are the exploited ones, there are the jacker and the patients, those at the top and those at the bottom. And the doctors above for example let drop "virus" that means: poison on those below to carry out medical experiments. We just have a recent newspaper article to the hand which tells about some areas in the USA like Tennessee where doctors spread radioactive substances by airplanes. But only those areas were hit where poor people live because they were supposed to be dumb and usually don't complain and protest. And it's a pity, but seemingly the doctors were right. Or do you know of any resistance against this poisoning, not to speak of patients' resistance? But you can be quite sure that the doctors in their scientific research departments have had a lot of fun. If people from these areas trustfully came to the medical aid center complaining: I feel so weak, my stomach is aching, I have always a cold, the jacker accurately and very scientifically would write down the symptoms in their files. The weaker and more sick the hit people became, the more fun for the doctors, be sure. Because the jacker now got the "very interesting scientific material" they wanted to turn it into scientific articles, scientific speeches on medical congresses and more money and power for scientific research. This is exactly the same science from where you learned your "virus", it is science-against-mankind and now you understand that this science of course needs protection by police guns, because the jacker themselves know very well what they do to the people and that the patients have every right and reason to attack. That's what you can learn from SPK and the book you just have in hand, SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON.
And because you are interested in legal matters you can also learn something very surprising: if it is doctors who kill patients, this is no murder, no crime at all! It's nothing but therapy and thus well done! But it's even worse than murder because it is done insidiously and under the cloak of help.
P: It's only me with this cold, others have other diseases.
K: Are you sure? You haven't asked others. The perception of illness in others is widely submerged. This is one of the effects of isolation and alienation in iatro-capitalist societies, very common. This so-called virus cold is increasing. The first step to get knowledge about illness: talk with others. And I can tell you what you will learn: the times have changed. Once you got a cold once or twice a year, but now it's permanent, you can't even tell when the one cold has ended and when the new cold is beginning, it's a permanent poisoning. So you'd better get in touch with illness, make friends with this defense system, you surely need it. And as you know from us, following this way we ourselves are getting by very well with our colds, influenzas, allergies... And it's no individual problem and no individual solution thus.
P: But I was lying in my bed and actually had to do something very urgent ...
K: And you didn't know anyone who could do it for you? You were too ashamed to ask others? But what will be in future if more and more people are sick so that they are too weak and cannot move and go out? Isn't it time to make some connections between people based on illness to help each others mutually in their illness? Or will you call the doctors and be at the mercy of them, when they apply infusions with poisoned blood, amputate some lymph nodes, fill you up with antibiotics, which are against life as already the name tells (anti-bios)?
P: I haven't got the time and I haven't got the slightest knowledge about illness...
K: You'd better start right now - or do you need a weatherman to know from where the wind blows?
We here stop the notes. Of course there is a lot more to be said about "virus", but this depends on what the respective person wants to know and what has to be done at the moment.
As you have written, you meanwhile know what we did not do – crimes – and that you are interested in what we actually do. We don’t know if you will be talking in your book much about "crime" and if doing so you will refer to the many aspects of "crime".
Do you think most of your readers will be law students who are conditioned to impose the standards of criminal law on everything they hear, see, read or otherwise perceive?
Talking about "crime" you would have to give least some hints for your readers about that theme, e.g. some questions:
You know that criminal who was crucified at Golgatha about 2000 years ago? Because he was planning an upheaval he was sentenced to death in a regular trial and he never had a trial at an appeal court. Thus he remained sentenced and a criminal up to nowadays. But there are millions of people in the imitation of Christ who form a criminal association with their leader over the ages. And even the speeches of this criminal to prepare the upheaval can be obtained nearly all over the world. And the crucifix - is it a symbol of religion and as such even protected by the State, or is it a criminal sign reminding of the execution of a rebel and the upheaval he planned, a symbol for insurrection thus?
In the Third Reich of the Nazis there was the official guiding principle of the jurisdiction: the law has to serve to destroy our enemies. Now who is the criminal: the judge who applies this principle while administering justice or the boy sentenced to death by this judge because the boy had said: I'm sure we will lose the war?
How become life events turned into crimes? Not before you have a Criminal Code and criminal proceedings.
Did you know that there are countries e.g. the People's Republic of China which had no Criminal Code until about 30 years ago? If something occured the people who were together in the factory or who lived together were discussing the problem and were searching solutions. No Criminal Code, no crime thus.
This is no discussion about socialism or what ever, it's just a hint that speaking of "crime" one should not forget that it's the Criminal Code which makes the "crime".
If you talk about "crimes", will you mention some of the revolutionary speeches of Marx, Blanqui, Castro, Rosa Luxemburg and who else when they were accused at the court and have outlined the relation between "crime" and revolution? Or will you point to the literature e.g. to classic works on this theme like O. Kirchheimer's "Political Justice" who needed about 600 pages to discuss the problem?
But if you would do so what would that have to do with illness?
Do you think a patient e.g. suffering from cancer or a patient who feels persecuted by mysterious powers is in any way interested in reading about "crimes", especially in the USA where - if we would believe the newspapers and TV - everyday more crimes are committed than babies are born?
And you know, "crime" is not enough to interest people, least you must add sex (sex and crime) to attract attention. But Hollywood can do it better, you can't beat them in this field.
About 20 years ago many Americans refused to go to Vietnam to kill the people there. Many deserted and escaped to other countries, which wasn't legal. Even if one says, it wasn't a crime, one applies the standard "crime", you categorize people like a cop or like a prosecuting attorney does and by this you kill the ideas of those people, their intentions, their strive for humanity and peace, as they said, their hard decision they had to make whether to leave the USA with probably no chance to ever come back, the task to build a new home abroad - all this you would extinguish by applying the standard: "was it a crime or not what they did?"
If you meet someone, say a woman you like, would it bring you closer to her if you check out: has she committed a crime or not? And after having found out, would you say: I know she did no crime, but I absolutely don't know what else she actually does?
The ruling law is the law of the rulers (old anarchist wisdom). You agree?
What is the robbing of a bank compared to the setting up of a bank? Nothing (old anarchist wisdom); crowned crimes have become legitimate and thus are no crimes any longer (old anarchist wisdom). Okay?
Property is theft (old anarchist wisdom). So what is theft?
A crime or not?
Those collected arguments are not specific SPK/PF(H) ones, as you may have noticed. But these thoughts are widely known also to anarchists. For those there can be no standard "crime or not?", because anarchists know that every standard is a standard of the rulers. Maybe some coming readers of your book might wonder why you refer to "crime" without giving some hints to its historical, political, social, economic, philosophical context in a society which is divided into two antagonistic parts where consequently you always have to observe what interest of what class an idea, a word, a thought is serving. Cui bono? Lenin often asked.
And if you are looking at the other side of the front, the doctors' side, there is no crime at all. Impossible for a doctor to commit a murder against a patient. Killing a patient never will be judged as a crime. A widely known fact. Remember our letter: Che Guevara, once having been a doctor, gave his father the advise to write "Dr.med.(MD)" at his door and from then on he could kill as much people as he wanted without ever being punished. And already old Plinius II in ancient Rome had stated that nobody is allowed to kill except the doctors, because they risk no punishment at all if they do.
Referring to "crime", also by excluding "crime", also by acquitting someone from having "committed crimes", one has been turned into a little policeman. No reason for being ashamed. This is a very common thing as one may learn from SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON (pp 102 ff).
"Crime or no crime" can't be the question because it has
NO RELATION TO ILLNESS. It is like applying the unit of measurement for electricity on paintings. It doesn't fit.
"Crime" is aiming at a single person, who before has been isolated, divided (the old 'divide et impera', you remember?) and separated from the living together, from the collective.
Did you ever divide a melody, a lot of warmth, an illness or some other species? could ask one of your coming readers remembering what he has read in the preface of SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON and could go on: specified illness to create the human species or medical specialists to destroy it for all times (die MenschenGATTUNG gegen deren Zerstoerungs- und EndloesungsKLASSE), that's the class antagonism of nowadays and the only real problem to be solved.
All about SPK depends on some specific properties which were in the world for a moment, not before and not later on - while prisons, warrants and so on stay to be banalities and nobody cares or doesn't care about, be it only occasionally.
The patients in the SPK did exercise the proof that based even on illness, be it an awful illness in an aesthetic way, be it a dangerous illness in some sense else, it is possible to live together, awoken and asleep, disregarding all distances of time and space. This is important.
If tied to illness everything is changed. For example: every passport, every identity is forged - individual identity, if there is in truth, is to become done and gained by nothing else but by passing through illness in any way.
You may have seen how closely all things in the SPK, even explosives, were tied to illness, instead of being tied to some capitalist purpose.
Referring to our current letter is meant as a help for you, as is intended the whole letter itself, ready to be used in the book and with regard to your coming readers. Even your question concerning what we do is already answered. So why not let speak the truth instead of imposing standards which are lightyears away from illness?
From your last letter we are not sure if you intend to publish the whole letter, maybe in an appendix to the book, or if you will only take parts of it and which ones and why. Please let us know.
As you wrote you start thinking of us as friends. Friends should support each other in releasing each other from standards and chains – from chains put on the mind, on feelings, on will, on fantasy, on the body, on doing ...
We hope you understand our doing, here: writing this letter, in this manner.
And if you start losing objectivity as you said, did you gain revolutionary development instead of it?
Sometimes oneself doesn't even notice such changes.
To one of the next letters we will add some notes to your first draft.
* The page numbers don't refer to the internet-version.
For the rest during the weekend one of them had to travel some hundred kilometers more, in order to return some of the mentioned things.
Having arrived at Wiesenbach they first drank a lot of water and then went to sleep. Two didn't succeed in falling asleep, and after a while there rang the phone at the bed, and there was the call from the Frankfurt press (see above), who now needed news from the patients, because - as there turned out - they already had been informed by the doctors. They got their informations and meanwhile the woman had fallen asleep.
Later on there came also the nowadays "new" mother with the little son. She had trouble with her new-bought car (Simca, water-cooled) and asked the women, if one of them was ready to accompany Huber on his travel to do with her new car, in order to get assured about it before risking expensive car repairs. She herself preferred to care for the children and also Mrs. Huber seemed to need some sleep and help during the weekend. The asked woman consented, the little son asked for a walk through the wood there in the neighbourhood, and the others sat down at the table in the kitchen and took down the needed declarations, just as decided collectively, before all had left the administration building of the clinic.
On Monday morning, back from the weekend-excursion and back to the Rohrbacherstrasse 12, there was a paper on the left of the door, and there to read "Patientenkollektiv Dr. Huber" ("patients' collective Dr. Huber"). They rang the doorbell, the door was opened and there came some later on SPK patients and accompanied them to the rooms left hand on the lowest floor.
Groundplan SPK-rooms Rohrbacherstrasse 12
We just had entered and experienced, that above in the house, on the next floor but one, there were also empty rooms of the university to the right and to the left indeed, thus the entire floor not in use since years, and not destined for use further on, while the biggest room of those destined to us, was closed by key and off limits for ourselves, as the housekeeper had said, and the right half of the lower floor was already and entirely in use for doctors' assemblies once a week. We just had entered the flat and closed the door behind us, when the doorbell was rung and there expected a former Psychiatric Polyclinic patient to enter. As he told, he had just been sent from there to here.
By that event three things became clear at once: the jacker seemed to be ready to send the patients no longer neither to Wiesenbach, nor to the Mental Hospital Wiesloch, but now to the Rohrbacherstrasse 12.We had to start here and now.
Then we spread some pages of a newspaper on the very dirty floor, sat down there and promised, never again to give up the won rooms, be it for risk of our lives. Then we inspected the indeed wretched rooms there and the perhaps even more wretched chairs, tables and so on, brought there by the craftsmen of the administration, just in the morning before we had come, compared completeness regarding the list, which had resulted from the "compromise", fixed the further destination of the therefore most important rooms, bought some great buckets and brushes in the next shop and began to clean the rooms and the furnitures, last not least because we needed movement, for it was cold there in our new, later on SPK rooms.
He, who had been first here, caring about the keys and so on, asked for money in order to take the curtains from the windows and doors to his mother, in order to get them washed. He had been labelled by the Psychiatric Clinic doctors as a "debil and feeble-minded person", and because of that his dreams had vanished, to return to the army, where he, as he told, had spent the best time in his life, sitting in a storeroom for uniforms, drinking German beer out of the bottle and saluting correctly, if there happened to pass an officer. He asked, whether he now could become the doorkeeper, responsible also for all correspondences to be sent from or accepted by the patients' collective, and the same with the money, the nameplates, the stamps and what else it could be, getting replaced nothing but his expenses for the tram and, if there seemed to be need, for a trip to a bar and the girls there. The collective consented, and he had a good time, and maybe a better than in the military barracks. At any rate, his dreams about that ceased.
And when he was ordered later on to the court as a witness against the SPK, it had been him, who had filled himself with drugs and alcoholics to a degree, that the psychiatric expert Kretz at the court because of him lost his face in public, because of ridiculousness and blame, as already mentioned in this letter.
Here in the rooms of SPK the other patients, and especially the she-patients laughed at Huber, also on his knees, while cleaning the floor and showing his naked skin beneath the pullover, which always rode up. They took some photos and pinned them at the two blackboards, right and left at the walls of the floor, the two blackboards, which urgently had been fixed there and still were empty, and the photos vanished after one or two days and never reappeared, because having become replaced by the growing up more important information.
There came the typewriter and also the copying machine (Abzugsmaschine) needed not only for the flyers, from which there followed later on the SPK documentations. And there came the two phones and also the electric circuits therefore and for the light in the rooms, and there were very obstinate efforts necessary to provide them, but finally achieved before the first week had passed.
On the second day in the morning, there came two new patients. They had been told at the Psychosomatic Clinic, that all doctors there felt threatened and terrorized by the patients' collective, and also they told, that the Psychiatric Clinic and the Psychiatric Polyclinic, as told to them by the doctors in the Psychosomatic Clinic, had established new crises staffs. They therefore had become interested and went to the Rohrbacherstrasse 12, asking, if they could join the patients' collective. They could.
Later on they were among those, who got warrants, then were in prison, became charged, became released and one of them, 1978 again in prison because of the (same) indictment, started a hunger-strike up from the first day, became feeded by force, means: bodily tortured with danger for life (forced feeding = operation without anaesthesia), continued to be feeded by force for several months, until they had to release him, because the sentence was fulfilled up to the last day.
The doctor, who had been responsible for this torture, in March 1970 also sometimes had taken part in the patients' collective, but had withdrawn, because nobody there had cared about his "therapy", in spite of his being a publically known sympathizer of the Communist Party and of the cover-organization Deutsche Friedens-Union (German Peace Union) belonging to it.
The nurses of the Frontpatient in 1978, top-carate policemen in the prison, shook their heads and remained flabbergasted at the court in 1979, when in a trial against the prison doctors the Patientenfront unmasked the mentioned psychiatrist and peace-communist as a "former member of the Sozialistisches Patientenkollektiv", thus as a gangster in the former - later on so-called - "criminal association SPK". The mentioned SPK patient from the 3 March 1970, with whom is dealt here, had great fun about that, thanks to his Patientenfront-lawyer Juergen Schifferer, dead since 1991.
He, the lawyer, had died because of the consequences of the U.S. forces in Europe, who had exculpated the teacher of the named psychiatrist, but had forgotten to hang him after the last World War. This university's teacher in forensic psychiatry, born as a very rich son in Heidelberg and later on there at the university as a chief-doctor, in 1982 had gone as an expert to a colleagues' trial of the professional association of lawyers (Ehrengericht), in order to achieve the compulsory internment of the named lawyer in the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch, because the lawyer had defended since then patients and their resistance in Wiesloch and elsewhere. The doctor tried to achieve this by psychiatric diagnosing of the lawyer's activity as a lawyer at courtin favour of the resisting patients. The expert didn't succeed, but the lawyer had been "a broken man and remained to be, after the named trial", as he sometimes used to say, if some bystander from outside missed him at court or criticized, that he was so seldom to be seen at court. And finally, but quite suddenly the lawyer had died of a heart break-down - as a lady-doctor later on supposed by tele- and phone-diagnosis - the lawyer nevertheless having supported the Patientenfront as good as he could till to his death at the age of 47.
When the named university's teacher in forensic psychiatry had had his seventy's jubilee in the year 1983, the press had not forgotten to point out, that he in the past had suffered hard attacks by certain "patients' lawyers". What the press never mentioned was, that the Patientenfront in 1982 had saved the lawyer from internment in Wiesloch by unmasking the named great son of Heidelberg as the author of a scientific propaganda, thatonly the German race had the right to create right and laws, but nobody else in the world, and no other race at all.
And now in this present year 1993, when he should have had in great public his eighty's jubilee, the press related by three or four lines, that the announced great jubilee performance had suddenly been stopped, shortly after its beginning, because a colleague of the 80-years-birthday-child had fallen to the floor there in the university and was dead.
For the rest there is to mention, because of all around March in 1970, that the named university's teacher once had come from the office of Dr. Kretz in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, where he often was in those last days of February 1970, to the office of Dr. Huber, there straight opposite to the office of Kretz at that time, to announce to Huber the decision of the medical council, that Huber had been commanded by the latter to stop the patients' rebellion there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. Huber had thrown out the named great teacher and authority in forensic psychiatry, just before the latter had ended his first sentence, and had shouted: "Let's go to Wiesloch. Either you or we!" (Means: life-long compulsory internment in a Mental Hospital).
The great expert stopped to make any sound afterwards, but he and his circles continued secretly and sometimes, as here related by details only, he reappeared. Therefore: who first kills, lives longer, we here in Germany learned from American Western movies. Why did the American Forces in Europe hesitate to hang such a man, why was he just on the contrary exculpated, why would he have nearly succeeded to celebrate his jubilee, if there had not happened some accident? Had there been doctors behind the American Forces, there among and there above? Please do ask American people. Also they meanwhile and by and by should have become conscious about that. Maybe, some of them then will agree with us on the point, that it is not enough, to export democracy by fire and sword (some of us still hear the detonations also of American explosives in their ears from the last World War), if thereby simultaneously is expressively excluded to liberate illness, following from that nothing but continued and world-wide spread iatro-democratism, as we say, based on the doctors' dictatorship and the people's trust in their heal and normgiving activities, even from before having been born, a dictatorship, which for the rest needs neither Hitlerian, nor fundamental-islamic support, because it is itself the most reliable fundament of all evergreen nazism and racism, be it only in the system of delusion (und sei es auch nur im Wahnsystem) of some later on SPK patients, who because of that in March 1970 voluntarily decided, to spend the second weekend at the Psychiatric Department of a university in Northern Germany.
Yes, all, who had taken part in the occupation of the administration building during the last days of February, submitted voluntarily to psychiatric, psychosomatic and psychological tests and researches, there among also Huber, and indeed anonymously like all the others until the researches of the doctors had been done, asking then to get also taken down their names. As you can see, I speak here beside the time-line only about facts, with which in the past there never has been dealt elsewhere. This excursion was our immediate response to the upper mentioned message, that the Heidelberg doctors still felt again terrorized and continued to establish their crises-staffs.
There exist outside-theorists until nowadays, who indeed favour the SPK, but nevertheless point out, that we would have indeed strengthened our Hegelian dialectics on the common and the whole in society there all about on the one hand and the specifity on the other, while absolutely forgetting, that we ourselves, namely the SPK, were in a total loneliness (Vereinzelung) and even in an objective sectarian isolation, regarding generality and specifity in their dialectical interdepence.
If there should arise any need for truth in future, there also can be affirmed - even based on scientific proofs - just the contrary. The SPK already in those times was in no way isolated nor did isolate itself, neither from the coming millenial future, nor from the diluvial or ante-diluvial past, neither from other people, nor from other institutions, and even not from their enemies in the doctors' class. By no means. If there was fun, all skin colours slept there together, American people there in no way excluded, as we mentioned already, and there was a lot of more things involved than only sleeping together. If there seemed to be need, they delivered themselves also into the hands of their - so to speak - enemies-by-nature (natuerliche Feinde).
From both experiences, and of course from all the others there between, for there were permanently all strata of society also involved, they came of all sections of the population because of illness, not only because of psychiatric ones, but because of illnesses of all medical subject areas. And from there resulted the raw materials, which needed to become worked out by the methods of dialectics in order to become statements, far beyond of common sense and reason, as to admit, and even seemingly pseudo-psychotic systematized delusion.
For the rest we until now never cared again about the results, done by the doctors and their test-batteries there on the second weekend in March 1970. For ourselves it was sufficient, that we could return to the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 which, with its collective therein, still had best chances, to land up in the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch, with Huber at the top, of course, as there had been told still in March 1970 the democratically chosen leader in the university of Heidelberg, thus about half a year before the named university then for a moment suddenly changed its opinion, proposing to the SPK, that it could become an institution at the university of Heidelberg.
On Tuesday in the second week of March 1970, in the morning there came – accompanied by some lawyer of Dr. Huber at that time* - the second chief of the university with a contract, which had needed a lot of work and presented a quite greater lot of difficulties, to become overcome by the "collectively done work" between the named lawyer and himself, as there said the second chief of the university, a professor for national and constitutional law, for the rest. Now the contract, as the two juridical colleagues repeatedly assured, would need nothing else, but the signature of Dr. Huber.
not the later on Patientenfront-lawyer mentioned above.
There was nobody else present in the rooms of the SPK just in this moment, except the three persons and Hegel himself, who arose from Huber's memory, saying to him, while repeating the part of a sentence in his philosophy of State: "The signature of the monarch is nothing but the dot on the i, but nevertheless as necessary as the monarch himself." Huber threw a glance down at his crumpled parka, his old jeans and the cracked boots on his feet. Also he remembered by contrast imagination, that illness - being neither a mono- nor any -archy, and thus in no way something like monarchy - disposed of his own signature, namely: immediacy and revolutionary change.
The same he remembered his experiences concerning signatures back from March 1970 till to the beginnings of his work in the Psychiatric Polyclinic just like a panorama. Up from 1966/67 and also in all the years before, since he had become a medical doctor and then a doctor in psychiatry, he never had problems because of his signature under prescriptions, applications, letters, reports as an expert for a court or other authorities and so on, connected with his everyday-work. If there seemed to be problems because of responsibility, he made his every chiefs to read his writings and begged for their signature.
In the Psychiatric Polyclinic his first chief there soon had begged him, to read also the writings done by himself, and so it was done, as and when required.
In May 1969 there came another chief (not Kretz) to the Psychiatric Polyclinic, who told Huber, that he needs not expect his presence, but continue to do his work as usual, the chief of the Psychiatric Clinic, whom he had asked about that, being also of the same opinion, as the since May 1969 new Psychiatric Polyclinic chief of Huber expressively added, begging Huber simultaneously to take part also in the scientific researches of the latter, because he himself didn't feel so very capable of and experienced in caring for the patients here in the Polyclinic and the scientific work with them, as he also added.
Indeed, when there seemed to wait a patient for him late in the afternoon, it soon turned out that it was his wife, who expected him to return with her just in time at home, to the theatre or to an anthroposophic lecture-giving by a Steinerian teacher anywhere in Heidelberg.
It had been not before January 1970, that the chief of the Psychiatric Clinic asked Huber, to get his writings, except the prescriptions of course and also the more administrative things, now signed also by Kretz, the new chief now in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, released therefore from rather all other obligations in the Psychiatric Clinic. Huber answered to the chief, that he himself of course also realized, that Kretz should need help for adaptation and accomodation to the truly hard work there in the Polyclinic, and that therefore Kretz could learn a lot of things by busily reading and also signing the writings of him (done by Huber), especially those, which were not very urgently to become sent off, but the more large and difficult. Huber also added, that Kretz seemingly not had come to the Psychiatric Polyclinic in order to work there with the patients or even to learn how best to work, because he since October 1969 had apparently done nothing but to announce to him (Huber) that he had decided to fire all the oldies there in the so-called group therapy and to become represented by two more young-doctors, who also had come there with him, but had done almost nothing except sitting there in their offices, the latter, as to admit, quite on the contrary to Kretz himself, who never was present, if there had asked a lady secretary for him, because of a call, Kretz appearing by coming and going only for stip-visits of 5 or 10 minutes at his youngsters there.
The chief of the Psychiatric Clinic had promised to think about the signatures once more, and also to speak to Kretz.
But during the first weeks in January 1970 nothing had changed in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. Meanwhile the patients had started their collective investigations (see time-line), repeatedly done and limited to three days a week, the entire questioning being limited to a fortnight. They asked the patients in the waiting room, to which doctor they had become announced to go, why, how they felt, what they thought about improvements and so on, but nothing about politics in any way.
The results were published in the general assembly of patients (12 February 1970) and at the patients' congress in the clinic (so-called "hearing") (20 February 1970).
The doctors all there present in the hearing, after that were in a complete loss of words during the first minutes and continued being so later on. Result of the investigations: from totally 55 patients there waited 46 patients for Dr. Huber, for the two mentioned young-doctors of Kretz: 5, and for Kretz himself 4 patients (thus a proportion of 12:1 in comparison between Huber and Kretz). On the whole there were in continuous treatment at Dr. Huber 180 patients at that time.
While the patients started their collective investigations, the chief phoned Huber to come to his (the chief's) office in the Psychiatric Clinic, in order to have a discussion with him, especially on the signatures. The reply of Dr. Huber just to this call has entered the literature once more, but now moving from left-wing* poet circles of the '20s to the upper class, becoming noticed there of course not only by the ruling doctors, but also by the doctor-patients there all around from the bottom to the top of our glorious iatro-capitalist society: "Only the most stupid calves / choose their butcher by own behalfs." ("Nur die allerduemmsten Kaelber/waehlen ihren Schlaechter selber", Bertolt Brecht, 1898 - 1956).
Left/Right here in the usual sense of the word.
informa(c)tion, collective, revolution, revolutionary collective and collective revolution, in any case scorn and derision against all rules and against being conform to rules (including natural, social, legal and whatever laws). All that became irrefutably clear and obvious, as we assume, by all the details, connections and references in this letter. This present concluding hint therefore is only the sum, the summary.
Left-wing, left on the other hand is: the condition of exception, state of emergency, out of orden and of ordinary, the state of ex-cess, both: in lack or aboundance, the state of ecstasy (Ausnahmezustand), and that in permanence, thus illness, the condition of communication and
Next day, the chief of the Psychiatric Clinic called once more, but now by writing some lines. Huber there put his own signature under that and pinned it at the wall opposite to the waiting room in the Psychiatric Polyclinic so, that each patient could read it, and of course they all asked Huber about that. Alas, the patients in no way were ready to spend any awareness to a quarrel between doctors about signatures, a quarrel, which for the rest had been caused by the chief far away there in the clinic and far away from their problems. Thus the signature of Huber had turned into the signature of illness, there in the patients themselves, and there followed after the lightning of highest urgence a thunderous call for revolution, and there was later on also the inundation, namely the mass-assembly of the patients in the Psychiatric Polyclinic on 12 February 1970 and the debacle of the university's chief-council with the swept-away Kretz as a candidate for rectorship, next days later and with no return.Absolutely priority to illness, front against the doctors, illness now for the first time entered into medicine, thus a modern and revolutionary signature-doctrine, of which even old medieval Paracelsus, Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim*, never had even dreamed, even if you research therefore and at that the last edition of his works, and the most sophisticated comments on that. (The new edition meanwhile has been worked through by several Frontpatienten.)
Paracelsus had had quite another signature-doctrine: e.g. that some plants show the face or resemble more saturn, others more mars and so on, illnesses as well. Learned from gipsies and travelling people. To sign s.th. with one's name, such a signature shows only the phiz (Fratze) of capital(ism), the peak of it are autographs. Paracelsus was according to his own confession a heretic, killed by doctors, a rumour, obstinately denied but always again emerging, a South-German, for the rest, respectively a Swiss as the - in this letter already mentioned - Major von Dach of the Swiss Home Army with his book: 'The Total Resistance'.
The latter was the last picture in the panorama just mentioned, while Huber calmly sat down on a chair, opposite to the "two-men-collective", at the large table in the SPK room straight opposite to the Trade Union house on the other side of the street, the mentioned SPK room, being already destined for public assemblies and also for other public working circles to be done there in future. Huber asked for a ball-point and for the contract. Then he read by loud voice: "patients of Dr. Huber", and added: "don't exist"; then he continued without interruption: "work-contract", and added: "doctors sell service-commodities, but never achieve to produce health, thus they produce no work, thus there can't be any contract or any responsibility about that." Then he read of the contract: "ends 30 September 1970".
Then he took the ball-point, drew a line from the left beneath to the right above on the paper and returned it to the second chief of the University of Heidelberg, pushing also the ball-point to him there behind.
The two jurists did not seem to be very astonished at all. The second rector, while putting the two things back into his little black suitcase, stuttered in his habitual manner the words: "Your signature can serve for nothing else, but for criminal contracts between the patients and you, Dr. Huber. We already spoke about that at the way (he and the lawyer of Dr. Huber so). Thus keep your signature and take care, if there is legality, and there is still legality. See you later, but elsewhere, but never here." Huber added: "So long and welcome, in your office and in your rooms." And, remembering old Hegel and the dot on the "i", he added: "collectiva iuria novit collectiva curia", while accompanying the two contract-forgers to the door.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
* with the nine angels and for the newspaper information about "Doctors kill more Americans than car crashes".
U S A
Dear friend Trevor:
Thank you very much for your postcard
*We enjoyed it very much and discussed what many things are to be seen and to be associated to.
Enclosed you find the next pages of the letter.
There was not yet one day over, still in March 1970, when some patients and a student, chosen by the collective, sat down, took down their own contract, and sent it, still within the first fortnight of March, to the second and to the first Rector of the University and also a copy to the lawyer of Huber. The contract of the patients of course was rejected, because of "offending and ideologic remarks there added". But already before the rejected contract had reached the SPK, the electricity for the telephones, for the light and for the radiators had been cut off from outside by the clinic administration, following the command of the social democratic rectors there at the university of Heidelberg. (Note: in the programs of scientific (!) socialism electricity, water, housing, therapy and so on are free and gratis).
And the same the doctors' council of the Faculty of Medicine had ordered to all pharmacists not to accept any longer a prescription, signed and stamped by Dr. Huber (yes, the patients' collective already had his own stamp in the second week of March 1970), because "Huber could prescribe explosive material like dynamite to the patients". The latter can be taken as a proof, that the Faculty of Medicine of one of the oldest universities in the world till to this moment not had been able to realize the explosive material, of which consists illness, and that consequently the medicine and the doctors never experienced illness, before there was the SPK to introduce illness, so to say:from outside into the medicine. On the other hand by that and by the argumentation of the medical council there also turned out that all the fine pharmacies and drugstores, not to speak of the industry related to them, are very dangerous places, because each tiny doctor and even each crazy psychiatrist can order from there by prescription explosives and poisons in all quantities and qualities, just as pleasure and good or bad humour ask to him. If he by that kills patients, but also the illness in them, then that is no crime but therapy. Be sure, that a council of medical experts will find it out, and the courts will obey, just for all sake of legality. (Nazism the crucial experiment; the patient-question being the only mark of differentiation between nazism or not, even in so-called democratic societies, up to socialist and anarchist ones.)
Please decide yourself, if details and "news" like the mentioned are important also for English speaking people. Do it in a better grammar, by correcter words, as there are at our disposal just in the moment. Perhaps your readers are competent enough, to grasp the sense of our argumentations, feeling enabled to look out for taking precaution and also for protest against the upper mentioned mechanisms just in time. On principle there are to expect always the same patterns and mechanisms on the part of the jacker. But not necessarily (only) such, which a believing and trusting or even a "critical" doctor-patient expects, certainly not.
Not everybody, and there among very sophisticated people, knows that also for patients there exist channels to express their protest, just like there exist channels for the now old and overcome class from the last century, means: the working class.
Quite in common the general strike has disappeared in the trade union houses, and in the SPK we could realize the named fact each day, if we looked out of the window of the SPK at the windows and at the doors of the trade union house there opposite which - quite on the contrary to the coming and going, discussing and doing in the SPK up from the second day of March - was more likely to be compared with a mausoleum, or say: a dolmen in the still existing stone age, than with a channel for protest, regardless for or against whom or whatever it could have been.
Quite on the contrary to the police headquarter there opposite the people behind the windows there in the trade union house seemed not to mean us any harm. One year later, when we pinned our placards onto the window panes of our general assembly room, one year later in March 1971, some women there opposite opened their windows beckoning us with their hands. When we were in prison, also some German trade union leaders joined the protest in favour of the "political prisoners", trade union leaders, who for the rest had spent some time in the concentration camps of Hitler, or better to say: in the concentration camps of Nazi-doctors like Mengele, Heyde, Brandt and so on. From the SPK patients there in prison (see our texts under the headline The way out of torture is paved with broken doctors) those protests in favour of the "political prisoners" became almost not even noticed, because they (the "political prisoners") obviously had nothing to do with protest of illness, but quite on the contrary with caring about the not existing health, thus favouring our enemies.
Of course also English speaking people can keep their illness far away from the doctors, just as we did in SPK, just as we do in the Patientenfront until nowadays. That is a very useful channel to forward the protest of illness, there not to forget, that need creates inventions (necessity is the mother of invention).
If all the workers, the she and the he had decided to do a life-long general strike against the doctors, neither the police and the military, nor the every government could suffocate it or even keep it hidden.
Of course you can withdraw your illness, just the same, as you can withdraw your working force from the industry. In the latter case you have to demand for higher wages. In the other case you have to demand for nothing, because the patients have to do it by themselves, helping each other, liking illness in its ugliest forms of expression, learning to control all ideologic, economic and social conditions there around, changing by that and besides that a lot of things in an indeed revolutionary way.
More and more channels will arise from that, and some of them good enough to put and to keep the protest of illness in force. There is no need to look back to old and well-established channels of the past.
Well, again I am, as I hope, sufficiently aware that if I here make use of the sign Generalstreik (general strike*), I have to take in count reproaches like that, to suffer from ambitious tendencies or even from megalomania. Some years ago such reproaches emerged against the SPK in English speaking literature and just we have taken back some of them to our homes from the book-fair in London.
Also here in the English-speaking countries still exists the classical Signifikant "general strike" and be it only in the literature. More there about, see Sartre and Lacan. A long time ago the working class has drawn from it all his forces and hopes. And the ruling class has trembled in the face of this Signifikant. Today the ruling class of nowadays can laugh about this matter, but not about the Signifikant illness, a really terrifying horror, a ghost being declined by everyone except the patients’ class in so far as the patients’ class has grasped, that there never can arise reconciliation between illness and iatrocapitalism.
Therefore we here have to take down some more details and memories concerning the SPK-March in 1970.
In March 1970 there are common calls and claims in the press to refer SPK patients back to the doctors, if there is need or if the collective can't get along in some serious cases. Well the collective can get along and nobody wants to get or gets referred. Thus a "general strike" in permanence against the doctors. Just on the contrary the doctors refer former doctor-patients, who now insist that they become referred to the patients' collective, thus to the SPK.
They have no writings of a doctor or of anybody else with them, when they come, don't get paid their expenses for a car, if they need, regardless that we ourselves of course do it with our own cars, if we are asked for.
The doctors, belonging to the chief-council of the Faculty of Medicine, e.g. the chief of the Clinic for Skin and Sexual Diseases, sent also spies to us, just in March 1970, there among a beauty of a medical-student-girl, to whom the chief of the named clinic has offered more financial advantages, if she succeeds. There have not yet passed the first fifteen minutes and a short talk* about political, ideologic and revolutionary identity, as the lady-spy discloses the reason of her coming, joining the patients. She takes part in SPK for two months, going also with her boy-friends to their homes, but then decides to continue her studies at another university in Germany or abroad, because her chief-doctor, there in Heidelberg, had withdrawn from her and even seemed to suffer from distrust of her. Of course there had not been involved a later on by the doctors so-called "secret working photo circle" in this spy-case.
Only some few examples for channels of illness in protest, March 1970:
The collective decided to send a patient there. After about 3 hours, the patient returned, saying, that he had got the sore stitched up, helped by the mother.
The big anarchist leader went on speaking and arrived at drawing the conclusion, that the patients' collective already in its beginnings suffered from political absenteeism, just as it had been proven just here within the last three hours by a very significant circumstantial evidence (the man was a jurisprudence-student) and that he therefore saw himself motivated to risk the prediction based on experience here and now, that the patients' collective would end, just like the revolutionary student movement had ended three, or say: two years ago, be it, concerning the patients' collective, even more rapidly, say: within some weeks, because of political absenteeism.
When the big leader - dressed in black colour from the feet to the in no way cut hair, and with dark glasses before his eyes - had ended and had left the SPK rooms, some of us risked to interpret the event in our own terms. Conclusion: once more we had withdrawn illness from the doctors, from the surgeons in the named case, but that we had to keep silence about that, while observing the child, making the mother to care about the temperature, because if there arose complications like for example tetanus, the punishing consequences could strike all of us.
But because we kept our mouths shut about that also later on and until now, nothing happened and some days later the mother came with the child, to get the three or four stitches taken out. We did it by our therefore well washed hands and by a knife, cleaned by fire, the child being very glad about the lot of people, most known to her, playing the just for the purpose invented game tied to illness in revolution, for the rest: one stitch taken out in one hour, because she meanwhile preferred excursions there all around in the rooms of the SPK and outside in the shops.
Yes, there exist a lot of channels, channels to withdraw illness from the doctors, just like in former times the workers could withdraw their labour force, not to speak about the possibilities, which come together, if there in modern times illness is collected in addition to the labour force, just as it is the case indeed nowadays in every she and in every he. Look also at the second moment of our Krankheitsbegriff, consisting in the word dependence-of-wages (Lohnabhaengigkeit)*, there already in the days of the beginning of the SPK in March 1970, and sooner.
means: the modern slave is "free", because there is no immediate owner or chief possessing him; he is only in the possession by money, thus: wage; compare also reification and ask who is the thing, either the money or the person or both or all, thus: every-thing among everything. Of course she or he doesn't grasp it. Why? Look at the first moment of the Krankheitsbegriff: Entfremdung (alienation). In the context of SPK alienation means: Gattungsentfremdung (alienation from human species), Gattung in mankind still being replaced by money.
Just for purpose there to mention, because in English speaking literature there arose until now hints in favour of the SPK, that the women's movement, spread around the Western world, be it only in some of its parts and be it only from time to time, had assimilated a lot of SPK methods, and even done it better. Far away from ambitions and envy, we quite on the contrary become happy, if we experience about proceedings done meanwhile, or beside or before SPK. But from our view or review there always remains the most important question: against she- or he-doctors, against he- and she-iatrocapitalism; in favour of or against she-illness or not?
Well, as we could experience until now, such parts of the women's movement sometimes and in their writings are against male-dominated medicine, but not against medicine at all, are against high-tech and reproduction medicine, but not against therapy at all, be it "soft", "natural", "human" or whatever else. They also sometimes are against Reichian machismo and sexism, and also they care about pregnancies and about the question, how sexuality could work best. But there is never the question, how sexuality in doing and working best could be tied to the she- and he-most-ancient-Godhead illness, who strives to create for the first time human species, using therefore all available channels of illness as a protest force, being until now constrained to fall back upon the she- and he-bodies, striking them by splitting pains and illnesses, but nevertheless in an entire manner, causing by that a reactionary entity of illness, as we say, thus in a way which everybody is very inclined to reject. For the rest the third moment of the Krankheitsbegriff (Selbstbegattung) deals with that, and on that depends quite a lot of so-called physiology, chemistry, physics and last not least philosophy, which altogether depend in no way on experts and medical doctors, but must be done collectively, then creating effects of revolutionary identity, some of them mentioned here in this letter. These collectivedoings also caused improvements in illness, as to admit, and as there had been pointed out from outside, calling them "Wunderheilungen" (curings which were really miraculous), but nevertheless had and have nothing to do with therapy, but they were and are quite secret, for not to say occult channels, thus: literally spoken: underground managements, opening doors and channels for more protest, nourished by the force of illness and prospectively outlasting, because of sexuality, which is always tied to recreation and creation till to the end of mankind, if not even from its beginnings, the latter even faster tied to illness, the others to become the more and the better tied to illness, thanks to consciousness, awareness, and Krankheitsbegriff (concept of illness), now.
But meanwhile the doctors are at work to extinguish sexuality and also the existing mankind, substituting it, by and by, with their own glorious creatures out of their laboratories, the women's movement thus already being overwhelmed, except some rearguard actions against some reificated and thus stupid reproduction technology. They blame penetration, but don't care about their being penetrated, and pleasantly rocked or shocked by doctors' ideology from the morning to the morning after the next night.
Or do we have to apologize, because most of the women already don't get pregnant and for the rest fight as lions in favour of their cubs, no matter how crippled or whatelse, against the jackers' front?
For the rest, there is silence and agreement. Nature worship, how long still? Diapathics is the contrary, but there is dealt with on another page, not in this letter.
(This indented insertion is taken down by a PF woman on 17 November 1993, day of prayer and repentance.)
Quite simple things can be there among the protest channels of illness. For example to do nothing else but to change the lock at the door in order to add permanence to some detailed sort of protest, arosen also from illness.
We announced it and did it in the midst of March 1970 against some representative of the administration. The representative in this case was not Wilhelm Ernst*, the chief of the clinic administration, the latter whom we mentioned in another case of signatures here in this letter, more in the beginnings.
Meanwhile we know that the highest representatives of the university, first of all the doctors, in the days after Kretz' fall (he was not chosen as pro-rector), intended to force Rendtorff to sign against Huber right away. It is also documented, that Rendtorff as office and as person refused and for his part he demanded it from the doctors to do it. Those, too, were cowards, too much. So there was only left the "janitor" or "porter", namely Wilhelm Ernst. Certainly, the iatrocracy, among other things, also has to be taken into consideration as a doorman's office; so there exist even today photos of the selection ramp in Auschwitz with Dr. Mengele and other doctors and over-killers. To occupy especially the administration building of the clinic, i.e. to annoy a "porter", was the best thing to do. We kicked the dog and hit the master (as German saying: we kicked the sack and hit the donkey), the Iiiaaa-trocracy (German: iiiaaah = English: hee-haw, like donkeys do).
The concept differential euthanasia we already had pre-coined, and a later on SPK patient (a Jewess for the rest, most of her relatives having been gased in Auschwitz!) in public had reproached the doctors with that concept at the "hearing" on 20.2.1970. Those had laughed at her, so the patientscarried out E(a)rn(e)st (machten Ernst = were serious about that), for he who laughs last, laughs longest. Did we need the agreement of the court against Wilhelm Ernst 5 years later on? No, we didn't, we had illness and therefore the right on our side, and Earnest (the name Ernst) there dropped down and was added to, just like a gift from heaven (German: daraus wurde Ernst, English litterally: from that resulted E(a)rn(e)st; means: now it was serious.)
This remarks are not only a play on words. Ask some Lacanists about that and about their meaning of signifier - signified one, see also Sartre-preface, page 3f in SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON.
One noon, still in the first weeks in March 1970, one of the patients happened to realize, that he was alone there in the rooms of the SPK. He looked at the entrance, if the door was closed, and also at the windows, and then sat down at the table to continue his work. On the table there were candles, of course not in use for the moment, and the phone didn't work, because of the electricity cut off by the second rector, as mentioned above.
Suddenly there were voices, very loud voices of men and women in one of the rooms there. The collective patients, as to know, could only enter, if they rang the doorbell and got opened by another patient. For the rest there were three keys for the entrance, of which disposed the patient-housekeeper who had made chosen himself by collectively done decision. He was not here, but the keys hung on the board, except one which he had taken with him.
Meanwhile the bell rang and there was a patient-woman who entered. The two went into the SPK-room there behind on the right, from where the voices came. There were two women, both a little bit too thick and a little bit too overdressed, chief-doctor lady secretaries, as there turned out, with the administration representative in working clothes and another two men of the administration.
Just in that moment the administrator said to the two ladies, that they could take "this room and the other there beside" just, say, from the beginnings of next month, for, if they had taken down their wishes concerning colours, installations and other things, they (the workers) would come during the next days, latest at the end of this month, to do their best in order to get satisfied the two ladies. The patient asked how they had entered the rooms of the collective, but they continued to twaddle. Then the patient shouted as loud as he could, that for the moment only the patients who were in the SPK here had the rights as a householder (Hausrecht). The two ladies began to tremble. The patient added: "If you are not on return within ten seconds from now, I'll make you run, without telephone and without police, thus I myself", standing there like a boxer in the ring. The administrator was the first to ran to the entrance, the lady secretaries behind him, threatening to speak about that with their chiefs, the professors "this" and "that", getting only sarcasm and laughter from the two SPK-patients, and the other two administration men running behind the ladies.
Till to the evening we had changed the lock and quite a lot of more keys at the board. Till to the end of SPK this one had been the only visit from strange and unwanted doctor-people there in our rooms. Till to the end of SPK we also lost none of the rooms, but quite on the contrary gained in addition the biggest one, there on the left from the entrance, because Mrs.Dr. Huber, still scientific assistant at the university and also responsible for the grants of the students, had let this room, dedicated to her, to the patients' collective later on in summer 1970, when the collective had grown up also in number more and more, and in the eyes of the university's rectors there was threat of a new occupation of the empty university's rooms in the upper floor of the named building. Or, worse: the occupation of the also always empty rooms of the doctors there beside the SPK rooms on the right in the same lowest floor of the building, which they (the doctors), for the rest, more and more seemed not very fond of using, not even for their in March still regular gatherings there once a week.
It was the principal matter of fact in March 1970 and later on, that we, DEATH TO ALL THERAPY, had reconquered our illness, that we had achieved a SEGUNDA RECONQUISTA (SECOND RECONQUEST), prepared in the shadow of "therapy", often enough unable to do more but the best to avoid hospitalizations of patients, be it to the Mental Hospital Wiesloch, be it to the Psychiatric Clinic of the University of Heidelberg. Yes, we were a little proud of that and indeed we felt as crusade maids and knights, when we read there in a newspaper later on, that some psychiatrist - a high functionary in the last not least Nazi-World-Health-Organization - tried to offend us by writing, that we seemed to him to be rather "crusaders" than "modern psychiatrists", some of us had a fine smile on their faces.
Yes, we now lived, where? In illness of course, and illness seemed very inclined to stay with us, the doctors by and by refusing to run after their doctor-patients, if they decided to join us, the doctors in no way fond of their illness, but the more fond of regaining their until then uncontested possession of the patients, their raw-material to maintain their more or less archaic power over life and death.
The rooms there in the Rohrbacherstr. 12 were only conditions for us to be there, while in reality we lived in illness, thus everywhere and nowhere. We knew up from the first day, thus up from the 2 March, that - looked at from a strategical point of view - in the case of an assault from outside the SPK-rooms, there in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12, had no chance to be successfully defended by us, not only because of being situated in the lowest floor of the building, the half floor only, all windows to the street just like about six doors more, easily to be climbed and no use of a ladder being necessary; but there was also a hidden and now fastened door at the right wall of the WC, with some steps there behind, down to the cellar of the building, the cellar itself of course supervised by the housekeeper, the housekeeper of course at the side of the administration and so on.
From a tactical point of view there were some possibilities outside, even in the same building, but nevertheless the SPK-rooms were the same and simultaneously our workshop and our tomb, means, Hegelianic spoken: the common concept (Begriff) in its concrete form (illness) and in its abstract form (death).
This to mention is of some importance, also nowadays, because for some publishers SPK seems to have consisted of nothing else, but of permanent quarrels about some rooms, which there belonged to the university, which itself belonged to - whom? Either to the people, as to admit, and to the state of Baden-Wuerttemberg (who is that, for heaven's sake?) or to the medical doctors and their helpers, following our experiences.
Just for purpose it is also to mention, that our experiences related to that, were indeed not good, but in no way new.
We remembered for example the experiences of the, as to admit, atheist German philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach (1804 - 1872) from the left-wing of Hegelian philosophy and also the experiences of the conservative and right-wing German philosopher Joseph Goerres (1776 - 29.1.1848).
The latter, in his youth, had actively favoured the French Revolution in Germany. Later on, when he had changed his opinion about liberty in a quite radical conservative way, he had succeeded to become a lecture-giving professor at the university in Heidelberg during the 19th century. But soon, after only a few years, he withdrew, because of the "two reactionary Faculties of Medicine and of Jurisprudence (there in Heidelberg), which governed all".
The aforementioned philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach, in spite of never having actively participated in the failed Revolution of 1848, later on had been invited by a lot of friends to give lectures in Heidelberg, and of course not at the university, but outside. He started, but stopped after about four of his first lectures there and never returned, in spite of the rented hall being filled with listeners till to the last place. As he said, he felt not healthy enough to resist against the bad influences, arising especially from the university-establishment there in Heidelberg.
Of course we also remembered the best hated and persecuted Jewish and Netherlands philosopher Benedictus de Spinoza from the 17th century (compare: Baruch Benedictus d'Espinoza in: SPK – Turn Illness into a Weapon, page XII), who had preferred to refuse to come to the university of Heidelberg, in spite of all guarantees of highest protection and highest esteem and life-long wages.
Well, at those times, up from 2 March 1970, we sometimes used words with pathos like "the rights as a householder (Hausrecht) is ours", but in reality we didn't believe so much in our private property concerning the rooms, nor in signatures, offered to us by State-administrators. The first who had drawn a long line across the first page of the contract had not been Huber. Some fortnight ago, exactly on 21 February 1970, on Saturday morning in Wiesenbach, there had been given to him his contract as an - until then - officer at the university of Heidelberg, each page* there on the contract neatly crossed out by means of a ruler, thus quite in difference to his own way to cross out only the first page of a contract, but done by free hands on Tuesday, 10 March 1970, there in the rooms of the SPK.
means: all rights, resulting from all of Huber's employments up to then as a medical civil servant at the university, lapsed, professional and civil existence annihilated.
Well, the SPK was never the question or the result of property or robbery, of right or left or democratic politics, of housing here or housing there, of squattering here or squattering there.To live in illness and Death to Therapy. That was all, because "where there's a will, there's a way", you remember from the proverbs and sayings?
While about 30 patients ran after the electricity on 24 March 1970 to the leaders of the university and on 25 March 1970 after their prescriptions to the leader of the Psychiatric Clinic of the university, sent there by the university's leaders, and while Huber on 28 March 1970 during the weekend cared about a permission to set up as a private doctor with patients there outside a clinic, be it in the university's rooms of the SPK or somewhere else, they (the SPK-patients) also were at a party in the home of the above-mentioned forensic psychiatrist, who later on in 1978 tortured an SPK-patient in prison and he was unmasked, this mentioned forensic psychiatrist doctor, namely by the Patientenfront there at the court as a communist-sympathizer and a short-time-member of the "criminal union" SPK -, well they had been invited to his home there in the neighbourhood of Heidelberg and went also there, Huber there among.
The mentioned, at that time still "colleague" of Huber, as he said, had announced, "to do something in favour of the patients". There had been also invited the leader of the Evangelic Students' Community to this party, and also the latter intended "to do something ...".
There turned out, that they realized real chances to provide a house there between Heidelberg and Wiesloch and also money to support the Patients' Collective. As they added, they would have offered it already to the Patients' Collective, but they had been in doubts, whether the Patients' Collective, as they said, was ready to accept private property from the hands of "capitalists", the latter of course the only people to provide money and rooms to the patients as a gift.
The patients asked the host and his friends there, how long they could stay in the house offered to them. First for some years and later on to be prolonged, because he himself, the host knew best, as he said, that it was impossible to produce health within some months, just as the university had demanded it from Huber to do.
Then there followed a discussion on capitalism, in which the patients explained to the doctors there, that capitalism consisted in their eyes not of certain persons, who disposed of a lot of money, but of a system, means: the capitalist system from which there follows richness and poverty and also the there related persons, and that, for the rest, in the eyes of the patients, the named system had its roots in that, what we nowadays call the relation between patients and doctors. Therefore of course it would be possible, to get along also with capitalists, especially if they were of the same opinion, or ready to accept the opinion of the patients, just like usual and demanded in democratic societies.
Up to this moment the wife of the doctor had only listened, caring for the drinks and the meals for her guests. Now she sat down and said, that they wouldn't be ready to do the first steps, before the patients had not promised to renounce all agitation, distributing flyers and so on, but caring about nothing else in the new rooms with the new money, but about their therapy, regardless if they wished to do it by medicaments, by psychotherapy or by any other thing else, of course within the common decency and the laws, but of course within all liberty else. The patients promised to think it over, went back to the SPK and discussed that later on. At first most of them were against it, and after some hours of further discussion also the rest of the SPK-patients joined, never to come back to the proposal of the, as mentioned, later on medical torturer of a prisoner.
This had been the only proposal of the named sort in March 1970. Later on in the beginnings of May 1970 there was some further proposal. By some private doctors in Heidelberg and its surroundings, who also were active members in the Evangelic church, there was offered a house in the centre of Heidelberg to the Socialist Patients' Collective on condition, that they separated from Huber. They refused because of the named condition.
Still in March 1970, all around the SPK, there happened much more things, which by far not all is mentioned in our time-line, because our several time-lines were taken down, before having received your questions concerning what there happened all around March 1970, concerning SPK.
In the second week of March 1970 the patients had invited all available relatives of other patients to the waiting room of the SPK and also the house-administrator and the house-keeper there. The latter began to speak as the first, bitterly reproaching the patients, who until now had not come to him.
A "middle-wing" student leader there joined saying, that in any case all the patients here were on the way to the Mental Hospital Wiesloch, Huber there at the top.
Some husbands and some wives of the patients, being in the SPK still, again or newly, expressed their esteem for the patients, because they, as they mentioned, did a lot of good and useful work, and because they answered very patiently the reproaches and the more questions of the house-administrator and even didn't cease to discuss with the "middle-wing" leader, until he answered by something like an excuse, while leaving the assembly before it had ended after about 1 1/2 hours.
Also there had come a colleage-friend of Dr. Huber in the third week of March, who presented his experiences with his work, done with apprentices, asking, if we would like to continue this work in the SPK. We informed him that we just had started with our planned agitations, working circles and so on, but that we agreed to let to him and to his people a room once or twice a week, to work there with the apprentices (political instruction work).
There turned out, that the teacher of the mentioned young ones, not the doctor-friend of Huber, was very busy drawing a clear and distinct line between his people and the patients, because, as he explained, his people were on the way to become a cader-group of future leaders in the decided proletarian population and therefore must be kept at a distance to all other people, but he himself, as he expressively added, having nothing against the patients there in the collective.
Still to add here, that meanwhile there also had come people from the drug scene, especially from another university's town there in the neighbourhood. They told in the beginnings a lot of things about their - in a political sense, as they suggested - very important experiences with drugs. They also reported about their very skillful doctors, who produced drugs like LSD in their private laboratories and had become very rich men by the named doing, but nevertheless remaining excellent lefties.
Two of the named skillful doctors later on were sentenced by a court and simultaneously with SPK patients were in prison then. They got altogether about 1 1/2 years of prison, maybe a suspended sentence with probation, except the period of imprisonment while awaiting trial, but of course they remained being very rich people later on, only their money perhaps having become imprisoned in a Swiss bank, done by themselves, just in time before their having become caught (remember Mao Tse Tung: do something before the catastrophe occurs. The two were indeed excellent Lefties.)
I just remember one evening in late March 1970, when some patients, there among Huber, asked for the physiological, chemical and physical aspects, related to those drugs and also how to situate the famous experiences into, say: an esoteric context. The asked drug-patients, later on most of them in the SPK, but without drugs, seemed to be in a loss of arguments concerning the named questions. After a while, one of the SPK-patients, maybe Huber, produced from his pocket a little electric torch and from the torch the little bulb and then from his other pocket some file, just as usual in the hands and in the pockets of doctors. He got off the little glass of the little bulb by the file, then put the battery in contact to the metall cheroot of the bulb, the wires of which of course began to spread some light, and he said: this is a physical phenomenon.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
Dear friend Trevor:
Here the next pages of the letter. Thanks for calling on 13.1.1994 and for the news about the blockade of a hospital.
To our last letter we had added a picture of a doctor donkey sitting at the patient’s bed: iatrocrat at his work.
We want to add that this picture was made by the Spanish painter Goya in the 18th century. The picture originally had the title: "From what will he die?"
We are writing you this not for art history’s reasons but to avoid unnecessary work for you, if you should want to know more about the picture. So you don’t have to pore over art books and can use your time for better things.
Then he produced some matches out of his pocket and also his knife and began to shave off from the head of the every match the material, which he collected within the glass very carefully, saying nothing, while the others continued talking. When he had finished after about five or ten minutes he put the rests of the bulb and the battery together as well as he could and then there was a little flash of lightning in the room for a moment. Then he bowed down at the floor seeking the glass of the bulb, which he then showed to the others, saying: there in the inner are the rests of chemistry, you just can regard the ashes, realize the smell and here on my finger there is a little blister because of the heat, which just has hurt my skin there a little bit. If I were a well-trained yoga-practitioner, perhaps I would not even have realized any ache at my finger here. Well that's physiology, remember orgasms, or quite on the contrary the blood vessels in the brain of somebody who became hanged, and I hope old Dr. Wilhelm Reich would also consent to that, you have in combination physiology, chemistry and physics. If there had been a little bit of nitroglycerine or some other nitro- there in the glass, or there around the wires some other nitro material, well-packed (well-dammed, gut verdaemmt), the thing would have caused a tiny explosion.
Do you suffer also from anxiety, if you take your drugs, caused by the drugs? Some answered, that they had also experienced bad "turkeys", when they had "thrown their trips". Then Huber said, and I am sure that it must have been Huber, the phosphorus and the sulphur in the material, I just used, has quite something to do with the devil in your intestines and with the light in your understandings, but if you always mention LSD, you also have to speak about nitro-combinations there in the air all around you and about the amino-acids in your body of course, LSD being Lyserg-acid-diaethylamid, -amid means something with nitro.
There is a very close relation between your kidneys and thenitro-substances, not to speak of the word nothinnng, not to speak of your veins, not to speak of Missis Venus, there in the sky in the morning and in the night. But that is esoterism and alchemy. Did you ever experience the latter mentioned things in your LSD-dreams? If not, take care about your kidneys and become familiar to other nitro-stuffs, there around you, maybe your anxiety then also will transform. Think also about the very strong poison nitrocyan, think also about what serpents need, if there has come the time to get a new skin, to become a new serpent therefore, except sodium-hydroxide or something like that which has to do with soap.
At those times I myself first could understand almost nothing. But later on, all around winter 1972 or be it autumn, I read there in a newspaper about some manifestations near the homes, where there lived the chief-doctor of the Psychiatric Clinic, the chief of the university and the culture-minister there in Heidelberg*. When I read there something about the tiny wires of broken little battery-bulbs, I just remembered Huber and the others now in prison, and the evening there in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 in late March 1970, when the electricity had been cut off. Some of the former SPK-patients obviously had transformed their anxiety and had turned into an angry cow, a child of Venus thus, she or he had confronted enemies outside, and obviously also with enemies inside and had become, so to say, familiar with them. I just forgot to mention, that all sorts of behaviour-therapy, just like all sorts of psychoanalytic therapy had been abolished in the SPK, thus: death to all therapy.
look at the photos in "Kleinkrieg ...", page 149, the 'déluge'-shoes. French: 'déluge', English: 'Flood'. Remember also the famous saying of Louis French & Co: "Après nous, le déluge" (English literally: "After us, the Flood"; means: "It doesn't matter what happens, when we've gone").
Radio riddles, emerging from old files and reports against the SPK? Here another solution of our doings recommended by illness: About little microphones, the so-called bugs, found in the former work office of Dr. Huber in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, found also in the telephone at the home of the chief of the university, found also in the right-wing floor of the doctors there in Rohrbacherstrasse 12, I never got to know anything at those times of March 1970 in the SPK or elsewhere. We already mentioned, that the doctors there in the right-wing floor later on liked less and less to do their visits and their gatherings there, the same I never got to know any circumstantial evidence, related to some fact that anybody of the SPK had a real interest in learning, what the doctors and the chiefs twaddled there in their homes and in their offices. Therefore I am of the opinion until nowadays, that the little microphones, the so-called bugs, had been destined not for hearing, but for speaking. Re-volutionary significance: Theyspoke about sick feelings and about illness in the doctors when they had been detected casually.
Once more I have to return to the copying machine there in the SPK since March. It worked, and worked and worked. Reparatures, replacements, but always copies, just like Mrs. Luna (the moon) does, reflecting the rays not only of the sun, but of all stars in the sky, up to the milky way and so on.
One of your questions aims at a certain Patients'-Info, which lacks there in your collection. As we think, it was the Patients'-Info copied about February 1971, when there was carnival also in Heidelberg. Two SPK-patients went to distribute it just in the evening, when it had been finished. After about only ten minutes, the two patients returned - one of them, if I remember accurately, Marlies Lutz, do you remember the name? -, and they were asked the cause. They told that there had been some persons in the street who had seemed to be very fond of distributing our flyers in all restaurants, because they were on their way to visit them in Heidelberg. Some of us had a bad feeling and went to the indicated places, where the mentioned persons should have been, for the rest from out of town, as they had said. But nevertheless, some of them reminded Marlies, as she said, a little bit of some of our neighbours in the police headquarter there opposite. We looked into the litter containers in the street and found there most of the some hundred or more flyers. Of course we could no longer make any use of and let them there, returning to the SPK with a good experience more to learn from.
Back to December 1969 and from there to March 1970, we just for the moment do not dispose of memories, concerning the announced dismissal against Dr. Huber. Perhaps he himself took it not for serious, didn't open the letter of his chief there in the Psychiatric Clinic, did not receive it before January, or even forgot what there was written.
The conferences of the doctors there in the Psychiatric Clinic began at about nine o'clock in the morning and lasted sometimes till eleven o'clock, while in the Psychiatric Polyclinic some patients already waited from eight o'clock in the morning or later on, when Huber came at about nine o'clock from home or from the night-duty in the Psychiatric Clinic. There always had been chiefs of the Psychiatric Polyclinic, sitting there in the conferences of the doctors in the Psychiatric Clinic, starting their work in the Psychiatric Polyclinic not before ten o'clock or sometimes in the noon or even later. Their few patients knew that and, following from that, had their special dates with the every chief.
It was a custom lasting for years, that he (Huber) asked the other doctors by phone, whether there had happened something in the doctors' conferences, important enough to get informations about, or if there had come letters for him, which he then got from the every chiefs.
Maybe, that Kretz held back a letter like the named of the psychiatric chief in his own office, be it only for revenge, because Huber hadn't agreed with him on his plans of dissolving the geriatric groups there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic just before Christmas 1969/70, he (Huber) seeming to him, as Kretz said, "not very ready for coalitions".
There follows from a report we just received, that Huber scarcely needed a dismissal-letter from his chief to know, what's what (was die Uhr geschlagen hat). Just between Christmas and New Year 1970 a very nice patient-lady, later on in SPK and then in prison and at court, had called up Mrs. Dr. Huber, that she had suffered a breakdown, when being at home with their parents at Christmas. Mrs. Huber had demanded of her husband to care about the lady and he did, just at the day, when he left the Evangelic Church (see in the beginnings of this letter). As she remembered, she met him in a restaurant of a station far away from Heidelberg, being somewhat angry with Mrs. Huber, because she had in no way the intention, to steal the husband and father from her and the children, just now, as she said. She therefore now proposed to her still therapist to speak about his own problems. So he did, and after he had ended, she said to him: "And what do you think, what now will happen?" Huber responded by a question: "What do you think, what there will happen?" "I hope you'll get a lot of holidays in the new year, in compensation for the just lost holiday." "So I hope too", was the answer, and he added: "But for the next weeks and who knows for how much longer then some doctor colleagues will not enjoy so much their own too many holidays at my expense, as they still could do during the past old year".
Till to New Year's Eve the nice lady had completely forgotten her breakdown from Christmas. She had become very curious to be presented to the other patients there in Wiesenbach in the kitchen, who had come there in order to prepare some, as we nowadays would say, pathopractical party. Yes, in 1970, not in 1971.
She knew most of the patients there from the waiting room in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, indeed only by seeing, because patients usually are accustomed to speak to their doctor, but not to each other in the waiting room.
Just I am told by an SPK-patient-from-the-beginnings, that for himself and also for others the greatest problem and the hardest task even in the waiting room of the SPK, where they had books about revolution and music by a record-player, provided by themselves -, that his hardest task there in the beginnings consisted in starting be it only a smalltalk with other patients, who for the first time had come there.
One day, as he still remembers, already in spring/summer 1970, the tension there in the waiting room had grown up to a degree that one of the patients took the records, smashed most of them on the floor and also the books, which he tore, some of them page by page, by and by helped by other she- and he- patients. Those who carefully had avoided every discussion until then, now began first to cry, then using worst insults against the destroyers. Finally there took place a common discussion there and of course also in the homes of the patients, and of course those who came during the following days and weeks had asked, what there had happened with the records and the books, some of them having been gifts, thus their former and prospectively later on property.
By that, the discussion became once more animated and reanimated because of reifications like commodities, consumption and properties; the named reifications becoming replaced by collectiveness.
At any rate, the ice had been broken, because some of the patients had also realized, that there beneath and above all music was either warmth or nothing but sound, and that between the letters and the words of a book there had been formerly a hot basic temperature, at any rate, how shall I express it, say: a holy-sacral region, somewhere at the end of the body, or exactly there within, where the nurses take temperature, - or the books and what there was in, was nothing but dead iatrocapitalist nonsense, deadly dust, for so to say.
Those who had grasped it, of course explained it also to the others, and by that even the style of agitation and cooperation became improved and never jumped back to the former level of a boring waiting room atmosphere, there also in the SPK in the beginnings. Maybe there was a repetition necessary, and if so, not before winter 1970/71.
Pain and boredom are the "basic evils of the human race", as there mentioned somewhere the German headmaster of pessimistic philosophy (Schopenhauer), who proposed against that - what? To read his two great books and to think it over. For ourselves, the patients, this was not sufficient, regardless the warmth even between the pieces of ice, of which seemed to consist his ideas there in the books. We needed channels for the protest of illness and we needed also the most coherent stuff to keep us tied together collectively, closing every hole there between, thus: warmth.
What about the "basic evils of the human race", namely boredom and ache? They vanished, because they themselves felt bored and pained because of the protest and the collectiveness there in permanence, causing instant awareness because of illness and revolutionary changes, here and now.
Just for purpose a note about multi-focal expansionism (MFE) (see also "TURN ILLNESS ...", page 74). In the latter section we dealt with waiting rooms, explosive situations there, high tensions, densest warm-warmth-coherence, detonations and destructions therein, at the expense of books and records in the named mentioned example.
Great parts of the world in actuality consist of waiting rooms, with a doctor, with a therapist there behind or elsewhere, doesn't it? During the last twenty years from time to time there were publishing scientists who occasionally asked themselves, means: caused their readers to decide, that the multi-focal expansionism of the SPK obviously and of course would have had failed. Some even found out, that the SPK, latest since IZRU, would have done almost nothing to create multi-focal expansionism elsewhere. As it seems to us quite strongly, the mentioned publishing scientists never touched the idea there closely associated to, that their readers and perhaps even themselves, if not just being occupied with writing lovely sophisticated publications or be it writing in the yellow press, could, would and ought to do it themselves, since long ago could have done it, namely the multi-focal expansionism, be it only by some serious attempt.
Where are they living? As we know neither at the north-pole, nor in a region there opposite and even there, be it only occasionally exist waiting rooms for doctors, of course with patients therein, who do, what? Nothing, of course, because waiting for some doctor, be it only some Greeny therapist.
It couldn't be and it never can be the task of SPK patients to travel about in the world in order to destroy records, books, videos or tapes, including the hifi-CDs of nowadays there in the worldwide waiting room-society, with its doctors, waiting and protecting the governments there at each corner since Stone Age old times.
As we just got to know again, publishers, armed with field glasses, as the mentioned, still go on reproaching the SPK patients that they were and perhaps still are ambitious and arrogant up to the degree that their aims and goals even could not be achieved by the hugest mass-party, and therefore in no way and never by some self-separated, isolated and sectarian she- and he- oddballs of the SPK, as there to add, and not to forget their robot-like, unpersonal language, sounding like the noise of machines in the ears, especially of native English speaking readers, just like the books of K. Marx, good for middle-class cadres who feign to understand the sense therein, if there is some at all, in order to suppress lowest class patients' people, who still are honest enough to admit, that they can understand absolutely nothing. Being ambitious and arrogant enough, if there seems to be need, we here dare to ask the rhetoric question, if the multi-focal expansionism (MFE) of the SPK in reality has failed, and if those, who try to blame us for that, from so far away in the English speaking world, so far away from here, are not some least but not last scientifically based proof exactly for the contrary, namely for the fact, that there indeed and truly exists multi-focal expansionism of SPK, because they themselves last not least are able to call it into question and even to deny it.
As it seems, there lacks nothing but the do-it-yourself, by one's own native language, kill therapy in the sphere of consumption, and wherever it is in production, this top commodity, which causes nothing but damage, do multi-focal expansionism yourself, or finally shut up, if there is need, and there is. You don't have to repeat and perseverate to damage records and books, especially if you feel shame to imitate stupid SPK patients, who, for the rest are not here any more. Replace your leader by fantasy, leader here of course meant sarcastically, or became your fantasy totally exhausted since it turned into that, what you take for your illness?
We ourselves somewhere took down that human species (Menschengattung) is to be created not only by replacing thespecies (Gattung) work by the machines as Marx meant; not by replacing God by the society, as meant L. Feuerbach before Marx; therefore better to replace the sarcastically meant mentioned leader by your own fantasy tied to your, as to hope, reconquered illness. The species to create consists of nothing but fantasy which lives in warmth, but it still also existed for aeons before Feuerbach and Marx and even there within, but they couldn't realize illness as their own basic element of understanding, because maybe they lacked some little bit fantasy, indispensable in any case of incarnation dealing with some matter of a species (Gattung) in fact. Please esteem also our modesty upon that, if there is some, dear English speakers and scientific publishers being also involved in MFE personally and in no way robot-like, as we do hope.
Writing this letter to you, dear Trevor, I once more have to apologize, because the matters I feel constrained to mention, sometimes carry me away, be it only by fantasy or because of a lack of better customs, the latter seducing me into caring about some writings of persons, who are for the rest in some way excellent interpreters of SPK, whom I, quite in difference to you, not even know by their voice, be it only at phone, not by their patho- and physiognomies, be it only by a photo or by their birth-moment constellations.
Returning to your question about all around March we will try to modify the proceedings.
While dealing with the events and the circumstances before 2 March 1970 I will also mention some facts from afterwards, there related to, be it only for contrast. Therefore best I repeat some facts concerning the places there joined to. Only three places now, because for a moment we can forget the housings of the patients, the Psychiatric Clinic, the university, the mental hospitals and the prisons, except the Psychiatric Polyclinic, the Huber house at Wiesenbach and the Rohrbacherstrasse-12-SPK.
First: the house in Wiesenbach
Meanwhile you have got the video tape, on which you can look at this house.
Second: the Psychiatric Polyclinic
Later on in this letter I perhaps need to mention an example for that, when Huber so to say "secretly" felt constrained to hide there one of the - at those times still "his" - patients.
But now back to the Psychiatric Polyclinic again. There was a corridor within, some dozen meters long, crossed at about half the way by some steps leading to the entrance at the frontside of the building and to the entrance at the backside of the building, the crossing way in both directions about six meters long, three meters broad. On the left side of the floor, looking in Western direction, there were on both sides of the corridor the offices of the about four doctors and two ladies, one a secretary, the other an assistant. On the right wing there was midst and left-hand from the long corridor the waiting hall for the patients (later on a so-called centre of patients' rebellion) and there all around were the offices and the rooms of two male nurses and a lady-caseworker. The office of Huber was the last on the left wing side, aiming with its window at the backside of the building, there opposite the corridor in a distance of about two or three meters only, the office of the chief, aiming with its window at the frontside of the building. There could have been worked day and night by doctors and patients, but of course then nobody else there around, except perhaps a cleaning lady, while in the day, when all or some were there, the lady-assistant cared about the files of the patients and the lady-secretary about the writings of the doctors. The lady-caseworker, if there was one, and the male nurses, present by day, if not demanded to do something outside, also were invited to take part in the group therapies, most in the afternoons or evenings, one also in the morning, and on almost each workday one of them; the lady-caseworker also occupied with taking down protocols of the group therapies, and both, the male nurses and the formerly male, later on and since about 1968 the female caseworker there invited to the group therapies by the doctors, also in order, as to say, to become familiarized with the patients.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
*, using quotation marks above all will bring no information for your reader about the context of these new words and ideas.
U S A
Dear friend Trevor:
As announced we now send you some comments and proposals for your first draft, especially for the Introduction To Part One.
There are two pages entitled: comments on the first draft of Trevor Blake, where we have named the places und sentences where we have made the notes.
You will see that we haven't changed much and we also - each of us, just like you, having been forced to go to the oppression machine school - are not at all fond of becoming turned into some headmasters, correcting and cutting down other people's work.
After having finished the remarks for your Introduction we had the idea to fit the proposals into your text right away by ourselves to make it easier for you and therefore we have typed the whole Introduction once again (see the enclosed 4 pages) and hope it's okay.
This doesn't mean that these pages shouldn't be changed any more. No, not at all. In our letter there are many descriptions and more detailed informations about the people, places, events and dates you mention in your Introduction, informations which were not available for you before you had got the following pages of the letter which you now have at your disposal and which you can add now to your draft if there is need.
To the other pages of your first draft we also have made some additional remarks, which we will send you next (but those following pages of the first draft won't be typed).
Just another hint in general: if you cite words and terms specific for SPK/PF like iatrocracy, iatrarchy, or pathopractice, please don't put them in quotation marks. Besides many other reasons what is there to be said against it
*No quotation marks needed. Why? Therapeutical terrorists have them in their eyes. Thus they will be added by the simple mechanisms of physico-optical light refraction, then becoming automatically projected to certain places of your book-text. For ourselves you need no explanation, if you nevertheless do. But for yourself maybe a revision concerning your distance. To matters of the patients' class and the SPK perhaps your tools ("objectivity", "standards") are of little use for the by you chosen subject. Example: you couldn't have a daughter or a son from your wife if you had, if you used for example a sewing machine. In our case: quotation marks to our terms. In cases of doubt, please a hint like: SPK/PF literature. But also in the cases of the doctors' class up to all its terrorist groups and sub-groups, also if you there add no quotation marks (compare e.g. "military-industrial complex", e.g. commonplace, much in use to veil truth).
We therefore suggest to use no quotation marks in such cases but to add behind the term, maybe in brackets the following hint: see PF-texts, or e.g.: ... iatrocracy as the PF says, or: ... pathopractice, to use the specific term the PF has invented for that ... or: ... thus and in the words of the PF - based on own experiences, they repeatedly had, and also based on historic-philosophic researches on economics and its destructive influence on the development of so-called human reason -: iatro-capitalist madness. (Compare Introduction).
By that your readers are informed about the source of the word and about the people who use it, and you have done what you intended to do: let the people speak themselves and you don't have to dissociate yourself from any statement.
In case of citing statements or opinions of others we suggest to do it in the same way, mentioning the source. So the reader is enabled to see what is what and who is who and can judge by himself.
As you have written in your Introduction: SPK/PF are not interested in criticizing but are adamant on differentiation between the SPK/PF and others, and that's for the reader's sake who holds in hand a book about SPK/PF.
Enclosed you find, as usual, the following pages of the letter. It will contain about 14 x 9 pages when it's finished and the last pages will be ready for sending off by end of February. So if you send us your second draft by that time, the book can be done till May, the date which you have set yourself and ourselves respectively, and you can be sure that even beyond that there is left enough energy for our doing which is also going on and consists by far not only in writing and caring about books.*
We hope that the warmth we put in the enclosed letters while doing them, and together with your warmth, will bring the remaining green pears to ripen so that the reader can taste golden fruits, - and that of course will also attract all the true vegetarians (and not only those between meals...).
Compare KRANKHEIT IM RECHT information sheet, there to add, that the police we mostly use to send to the doctors, sometimes return. But at any rate, writing is a harder job. For them.
While the lady-caseworker in the trial of November to December 1972 there reappeared as an over-prepared and of course over-underdressed witness against Dr. Huber, the two male nurses were up to a certain degree more on the side of the patients, we already pointed to that, when there was to deal with the events during the last week of February 1970. For the rest the two male nurses often had been invited, and also vice versa, to the home of the chief of the Psychiatric Polyclinic (look also at the sketch) (Dr. Spazier) who had gone in May 1969, while the lady case- and streetworker once had fallen into disgrace with the above (on some former pages) mentioned WHO-Nazi-professor and therefore had been sent now to the Psychiatric Polyclinic, where she had been very fond of expecting Kretz as a chief, also fired by the latter named psychiatric professor (yes, the one with the patients-for-crusaders, there in the press later on).
So far concerning the Psychiatric Polyclinic. And now to the Rohrbacherstrasse 12.
Third: Rohrbacherstrasse 12, the later on SPK. You already know it.
To repeat, that we saw it consciously for the first time from outside on 28 February 1970. You also have got our drawing of the rooms there, taken down in this letter. We already mentioned the things there in the Rohrbacherstrasse, as for example a copying machine, chairs and so on.
Caused by the prescription-embargo against the patients in March 1970 there were offered a lot of medicaments to the SPK from outside. They were collected in two great boxes and put onto the wardrobe there in one of the rooms. They were never used, be it only one tablet, be it only one placebo. After the SPK the police took them with them, but then was in a tremendously embarrassing situation (in groesster Verlegenheit), because nobody took them back.
Even children of practising doctors from outside of Heidelberg had come to the SPK or to Wiesenbach with gifts of medicaments in their pockets. They begged to keep silence about that, especially the drug addict son of the health officer in Heidelberg did so ("Greetings from my father to his colleague Dr. Huber").
The just named "colleague" was also there in Wiesenbach on 20 July 1971, when they started their prisons against the SPK. He was among the armed policemen, because of his office, thus quite naturally.
For the rooms in the Rohrbacherstrasse-SPK, there in March 1970, the patients themselves had provided quite a lot of mattresses, to sit or to lie on the floor, also during group agitations sometimes, but also useful as barricades, when there threatened assaults from outside, as for example on 30 September 1970. A bag or box for emergency cases was also lying there on the wardrobe beside the old never used medicaments and also never in use itself.
But each SPK patient got a training how to use the doctors' instruments in it, how to take blood pressure and how to do neurological examinations and diagnoses from patient to patient, thus an education supervised by Huber because of a collectively done decision. That was all.
To repeat once more: there were no beds for patients in the Rohrbacherstrasse-12-SPK, there were no beds and no meals provided in the Huber house in Wiesenbach for the patients. There were in both places, in Rohrbacherstrasse 12 and in the Huber house in Wiesenbach, no assurances and no protections else for anybody. There was no doctor's practice and there was no clinic or hospital, neither in Wiesenbach, nor in the Rohrbacherstrasse-12-SPK.
But there had been all assurances and protections in the Psychiatric Polyclinic just as necessary or demanded for anybody, just as usual. There had been no beds and no meals in the Psychiatric Polyclinic for anybody, because it was an outpatients' clinic, just as you call it in U.S.A. and if I am not mistaken about that.
Just for purpose once more about Wilhelm Ernst, the administration director of the Faculty of Medicine who had put his signature under the papers directed against Huber and also had done some things more against him, since January/February 1970, because all the others had been too cowardly and shunned the light of day (doctors' councils, universitys' councils, chiefs there).
What had he to do, this Wilhelm Ernst with the Psychiatric Polyclinic and with Dr. Huber, when there were neither meals nor beds for him to care about, except perhaps water and electricity as to mention only for completeness, because the latter named things on their side had of course nothing to do with the work of Dr. Huber, or with the work of someone else there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic?!
Can you now imagine, what they did on 23 February 1970, when they, truly so to speak, took the Psychiatric Polyclinic and threw it into the private house, into the Huber house there in Wiesenbach? Can you imagine the murderer's instincts and the bestial stupidness there at the bottom and there behind, thus the killer instincts against the patients and the same against Huber and the others? It is no shame, if you can't. But it is of course a constitutional element of the killer violence there represented and used by the doctors quite in common, that almost nobody can understand that the mask of violence is violence itself, as there said the also in the U.S.A. well-known German sociologist Max Weber already in the beginnings of this century.
Perhaps now you can also better understand why we insist so obstinately, that there had been never, never, never secret working circles there in Wiesenbach or elsewhere in the SPK, before they were founded after, after, after the SPK by the doctors and their helpers. Perhaps you also now can better understand, what there were the indeed and truly revolutionary changes, which were the response of the later on SPK patients there around 21 February 1970: There was not even a trace of psychiatry, medicine or therapy there in Wiesenbach or later on there in the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12, but the patients got better along with all than they had ever done in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. Would it have been a "revolutionary" action, if they had blown up in the air the entire Psychiatric Polyclinic by means of say 75 kilo dynamite? Of course, for a thing like this is a lion-of-the-day action, followed by some headlines of a size of at least three centimeters in the media. But the extinction of the whole medicine and psychiatry at once that's absolutely nothing, because there remain the buildings, the doctors and the doctor-patients therein, and where remains illness is of no interest at all.
Of course we have also to ask ourselves, if perhaps there exists in Australian, New Zealand, in US- or in other English speaking readers a certain motive or motivation, subliminal enough, that it has to get awoken by a certain stimulus, say, for example by the - there in the book at a certain place written - word "secretly" or "secret" or something similar to all what has to do with separation or secretion in all its derivations, there included sectarianism and so on, thus if it would be indispensable to introduce some slight falsification into the history of the SPK itself, in order to get satisfied the - in a certain way programmed - readers there in the wide world in a way, which is perhaps based on a so-called transcultural psychiatry and progresses therein, which we over here until now not have been able to get to know from some special publications, perhaps or perhaps not available for us.
Be it so, then we of course will join this until now for us unknown opinion, trying to favour a certain use of language, even if it is in our opinion incorrect, but as we suppose and very strongly hope, necessary with regard to your readers.
And TAV (= keeping shut up)? That's for resistance, not for playing on "secrets".
But nevertheless and just now we once more have to point to the fact, that illness or sickness for most of the readers, wherever they are, is as a such one, a thoroughly hidden, dangerous, exciting and tremendous unknown thing. Also therapy is the best masked killing power, force and violence, which we baptized ('christened'; tauften) with the name iatrarchy*, in order to drag it out into the open, iatrarchy belonging to something like that, what in former times mostly has been described by the word "second nature" (see Condillac, Ravaisson, Erdmann et al.), or in more modern times by the sentence "practice without originator" (J.P. Sartre), iatrarchy nevertheless commanded by the doctors. Because of this fact it is possible and also proposable and even recommendable, and it - namely the battle between liberating illness and iatrarchy - is, last not least, the most correct and exact description of SPK history from February 1970 until including July 1971 in which there never appears the word "secret" in all its derivations and associations, if it is not tied and indeed exclusively tied to something, which you also may name medical or therapist power or influence (iatrarchy once more!), but never a "secret"; there included all its derivations which, if being on the side of the SPK patients and therefore being illness, the latter of which the SPK patients made use themselves permanently, became expressed in public and not secretly, yes in public again and again, the patients doing by that the same, what for example Jewish people should have done in former Nazi-times, wearing and taking by spontaneity and by free will the star of David, in order to mark and to unmask themselves in public -: for so did the patients, the SPK patients: mark themselves by illness in all its expressions, in all its explosive, photo-technical, sporting and radio-telephonic aspects, by and along all the ways and channels, for not to say: birth- and vomit-channels of public doing and expressing themselves, (flyers and so on!).
No quotation marks needed. Why? Therapeutical terrorists have them in their eyes. Thus they will be added by the simple mechanisms of physico-optical light refraction, then becoming automatically projected to certain places of your book-text. For ourselves you need no explanation, if you nevertheless do. But for yourself maybe a revision concerning your distance. To matters of the patients' class and the SPK perhaps your tools ("objectivity", "standards") are of little use for the by you chosen subject. Example: you couldn't have a daughter or a son from your wife if you had, if you used for example a sewing machine. In our case: quotation marks to our terms. In cases of doubt, please a hint like: SPK/PF literature. But also in the cases of the doctors' class up to all its terrorist groups and sub-groups, also if you there add no quotation marks (compare e.g. "military-industrial complex", e.g. commonplace, much in use to veil truth).
What else have I to take down about the three places? How to make it clear in a commonly understandable and in the most convenient manner? Well, just I got it: money, money, money. That's the key.
Well, if in thePsychiatric Polyclinic a patient would have suffered an accident, say for example, if he had fallen down from the stairs, over an obstacle there at the floor, or quite on the contrary had suffered some so-called levitation and bumped his head at the ceiling of one of the rooms, he would have received money for compensation later on and gratis help at once, of course, even lifelong under the conditions therefore taken down by law, if the conditions were given.
In the Huber house in Wiesenbach and in SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse-12, nothing, nothing, nothing, except punishment, perhaps lifelong, if the conditions ... .
To add, that in a case, like the latter mentioned the jacker of course knew what issues and measures there were to take andagainst whom. They waited for accidents caused by the SPK, they expected them eagerly, day and night, and even were very eager to anticipate accidents in the SPK, be it by public work, be it also by simply setting traps. There has been dealt in this letter already with pregnancies in the SPK, which didn't happen and also with the doctors' attempts to lure and to decoy SPK patients already in March 1970, sending to the SPK a beauty of a student-lady for spy, thus a trap, which entirely failed, because, last not least there didn't even result a pregnancy from.
As the chief representative finally responsible and guilty for all and for everybody in the case of an accident there in the SPK, they of course had chosen whom? Huber, of course. But not before the trial against the SPK had ended in December 1972 and not before the appeal against it in December 1973, the jacker could enjoy any success there related to Huber-for-chief-of-responsibility-and-guilt.
Their contract-proposal, the aim of which had been last not least to put all responsibility for the SPK at Huber's door, had failed, because Huber, our master of a modern signature-doctrine, you remember, by free hands had drawn a line across their well-prepared contract-trap and they never dared some more attempt at the same level, for instead of the level of contracts, they didn't hesitate and immediately continued at the level of terrorism, cutting off electricity from the SPK rooms and getting patients to be rejected, who came to the pharmacists with a prescription in their hands, signed by Dr. Huber. The latter mentioned attempts at the latter mentioned level, which obviously not only suffered from bungling but the more from the patients' resistance against it, had been in no way successful and couldn't even survive the first month of the SPK (see also time-line).
But on 24 November 1970 they climbed their provisionally highest level, when the doctors' council of the Faculty of Medicine ordered to the SPK patients either to kill themselves or to become killed by the doctors, withall responsibility and guilt then put at Dr. Huber. They failed once more, because Huber left the SPK and returned, returned and left again, just like the most humble servant of the patients people lacking all responsibility and guilt even concerning his self-awareness, and the SPK went on to continue, disregarding the friendly commands of the named jackers' council, repeatedly strengthened during the following months by their helpers, the government with its - just for that and because of this case - famous culture and church representative, minister Professor Wilhelm Hahn, the command of whom, strenghtened by perseveration, finally had been the cause of the "self"-killing of Marlies Lutz on 8 April 1971. All attempts to put responsibility and guilt therefore of course again and again at Dr. Huber finally also failed, be it only in matter, and regardless some quicky Lefty publishers who prefer occasionally to repeat especially the doctors' liar opinions about that, until nowadays (compare: SPK patients killing each other, guilt and responsibility thus at Dr. Huber).
If somebody asks, be it only herself or himself, from where the patients took their strength to overcome all those difficulties, or from where came the strength,needed also for "self"-killing, which the doctors quite in common very often like to point out ("deeply hidden riddle of human existence"), then we would answer, that the strength came from illness, reconquered by the SPK, segunda reconquista, second reconquest, thus. Our responsibility!!
But if a reader still has difficulties to follow our argumentations about responsibility and guilt in the SPK, we also were not at a loss for, be it only "crazy" explanations. For the purpose we would beg her or him to notice, that both, in the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 and in the Huber house in Wiesenbach, there was no private property and also, at least usually, no money. Before responsibility and guilt are in the mind of a person of nowadays, they are in the private propertythere outside the every person. Thus: if there is not related private property and money to a person, or if there are not related patients to a doctor, in this respect being also his property, there also cannot exist any responsibility and guilt for that in the mind of persons all around.
There exists the danger among some Marxian readers perhaps, that they grasp the true sense of our just mentioned argumentation, because already for Marx contents like "responsibility" and "guilt" in their basical elements were nothing, but theexpressions of private property and money, if you have some, or if you have none. Some anarchists among your readers perhaps will argue that, "quite on the contrary", property is robbery, just as there had been pointed out by Proudhon, an avatar (forefather) of anarchism. Nevertheless in the case of SPK or Patientenfront we never met some publisher of the left wing who seemed to like to apply his basic knowledge, like the just mentioned, also to the struggle in favour of illness, in favour of patients.
a) look at the mentioned killer doctors' theories, reported until now against the SPK by left-wing publishers,
b) the bailiff who, accompanied by some hundred policemen, came to the Huber house in Wiesenbach on 20/21 July 1971 and to the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 at the same day, there found absolutely nothing "worth" to take it with him.
Quite in contrast to the two places, we just dealt with (H. house in Wiesenbach, SPK rooms Rohrbacherstr. 12), the third place, namely the Psychiatric Polyclinic there in Heidelberg, all time had been best provided with, say state property, money and medicaments and even with machines and disposals apt to apply electroshocks, cardiazol shocks* and insulin shocks, as Huber arrived there in 1966/ 1967 for the first time.
A chemical poison, injected usually into the cubital vein, causing repeatedly a disorder of very heavy convulsions like in epilepsy, the convulsions of the entire body or of parts of it sometimes returning unexpectedly even hours later, so also in the mentioned case -. For the rest, there also to mention, that a lot of students, once "voluntarily" exposed to such doctor experiments (not in Heidelberg) then suffered lifelong from automatically returning epileptic convulsions, they never had had before. Yes, it has broken, the morning of true twaddle (= inside information). And there is not the question, if we hate it ourselves or not.
He came from the Psychiatric Clinic also as a well-trained and in the eyes of all his colleagues uttermost skillful electroshocker against there by key and lock interned more female than male patients, as he told us. He also told us, that he had been ready to continue with the application of electroshocks also there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in favour of the out-patients, and only out-patients came there, as to repeat. "In favour" means, that the uttermost interest of the out-patients of course consisted in remaining out-patients, thus avoiding longtime internments by key and lock in the Psychiatric Clinic of the university of Heidelberg, or yet worse, in the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch. As interned patients they are treated, or should we better say: tortured, as a rule, with medicaments and its so-called side effects. "Therefore better then": with electroshocks: "not so much side effects and remaining late damages (Spaetschaeden)". The patients for the rest put under anaesthetics before the electroshock, "recommended for the sake of humanism", at least there in Heidelberg, as the chief of the Heidelberg Psychiatric Clinic, Professor Walter Ritter von Baeyer also had suggested, being also the famous author of a scientific and sophisticated book on electroshocks-under-anaesthetic, Prof. Walter Ritter von Baeyer who only regretted, but only from time to time, that his book not had become a best-seller.
At any rate it was a seductive idea to help also in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, thus in an outpatients' clinic, also for example a housewife, if she came there under conditions of a, say, "psychotic excitation" and accompanied by her relatives, "to help her" by applying a "slight anaesthetic" to her, and then the, as to say, "very slight electric waves flowing through her brain", her brain "which obviously needed them for a moment", and then she could remain laying down for, say, half an hour, and afterwards, accompanied by her relatives if there were some, or even alone, could do her shoppings in the city and return to her home, thus avoiding her compulsory internment, thus "maintaining and improving her capacity for work" and even her "social adaptation", achieved by nothing else but by, say, one or, at the most, two shocks a week, the mentioned cure lasting "only" for about one or two months and then: "good health till to the next relapse", which - "as to hope better not" - could come again, say, in the next autumn or in the next spring in the case of a so-called "endogenous depression" for example, if the named "psychosis" had been "in truth" a such, but "good" also in the case of a so-called "schizophrenia" or somewhat else, if all the conditions about indication, there to be demanded, evidentially were there.
Well, Huber still remembers the step in his doctor office, where he was sitting and also his chief (Dr. Dieter Spazier) from since spring 1967, when they discussed for about two hours, whether to introduce again electroshocks there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. It had not been a question of responsibility or guilt, when the two psychiatrists finally agreed to renounce electroshocks, it also had not been a question of money, which led to this decision, for, at the Psychiatric Polyclinic there were possibilities enough to earn more money. There only seemed to be the relation between "case-relative efficiency" on the one hand and "prospectively scientific use" somehow not very well in the balance.
In the named discussion Huber had remembered the wife of a policeman who had been caught by the detective in a department store, just when she had stolen some commodities, which she liked very much, but didn't dare to ask from her husband and for shame in the eyes of her two girls, because there was not enough money in the pocket of the little police officer, her husband. In the mentioned occasion, she had also related certain voices somewhere in her body who had, in her opinion, finally done the crime*. Therefore she was interned in the Psychiatric Clinic and Huber (who worked still there at those times) was demanded to work out a report about her case, because she was threatened by a trial. Huber did his report, got it signed by the Nazi-psychiatrist Professor Dr.Dr. Hans-Joachim Rauch, chosen by Huber himself on purpose, because Rauch was a high-esteemed forensic psychiatrist at the courts all around in Western Germany. Then Huber went with his report, his scientific top-book, as there said also two more clinic chiefs, to the court and got the lady free from indictments and accusations. All were satisfied and celebrated the victory, except the lady herself. She felt crazy, a shame for her officer-husband and for the entire family and she almost did not dare to return back to the little city, where there had happened the "catastrophe". She soon returned from an excursion at home after some few days and begged Huber in the presence of her husband and her children to do his uttermost to get and to keep her healthy again, disregarding also all expenses on her side. Finally she had asked him, her family there present and consenting, to treat her by electroshocks, because she, as she said, had become convinced also by talks about that to other patients who had got their electroshocks in the Psychiatric Clinic, that the named treatment had been a great help for some of them. Huber promised to think it over, spoke about it to his chief there, the Huber-report about this case also in his (the chief's) hands and the latter, the almost best-seller-author about modern electroshocking, of course recommended to Huber to apply the named treatment. He did, about eight times, one quarter of a year. All was okay and well-done, and the lady returned to her family. During the next month, she once or twice called up Dr. Huber, praising the slight sleep-medication, recommended by him to her private doctor there in the little city at home.
He who seeks "criminality" on the side of the others, should cause the police under specific conditions to make a house search in his flat. Then he has good chances to get punished with imprisonment up to 5 years. At the first time a suspended sentence not out of the question. Even in the U.S.A. this is at least not impossible. As to "criminal doing". There where exist doctors and their helpers and henchmen, all the others, thus the majority, is able to be represented as being criminals from the start. Ill they are anyway. Therefore it only exists the possibility to start with illness. The "criminality" then follows automatically. Turn illness into a weapon? Yes, what else. Also for illness goes: Become what you are, all the rest is therapy. And what follows from that? Illness, because adaption also lasts not eternally.
About one year later, thus in 1966, her husband and the two girls asked for Dr. Huber, at that time still in the Psychiatric Clinic. The girls had some gifts with them, which they handed to Dr. Huber as, so they told, last greetings from her mother, and then the police officer excused two or three times before he told, that his about 30 years old wife suddenly had died some weeks ago in the bed at his side. In the evening she had complained only a little about some headache, the only from which she had suffered from time to time since her last visit here in Heidelberg. The now widower there added once more, that he only had come for information, because he, as he said, of course knew about the report and still was full of grateful sentiments as for the successful gained process, gained by Dr. Huber before the trial had started against his now dead wife. The doctor at home had attested a natural cause of death, a lung-embolism for example, possibly arosen from a deep vessel (vein) in the legs of the lady. Nevertheless the husband, as he said, remembered the scientific interest in the case and only therefore had decided to report about that to Dr. Huber.
Now, in spring 1967, the chief of the Psychiatric Polyclinic in the named discussion there added, that he also disposed of experiences concerning insulin shock therapy. He had worked it out also scientifically and had come to the conclusion, that there indeed had been some improvements, but on expense of a lot of work, done by the nurses there with the patients, and that he had been more inclined to believe, that the improvements were due to the caring of the nurses about the patients there involved, while the injections of insulin, causing shocks and comas, just as usual in very severe cases of diabetes mellitus, to him rather had seemed to be of no measurable effect.
Well, so far about the discussion, at the end of which there was the decision to let the electroshock machine exactly there, where it had waited, out of use already since some years ago.
In compensation the two doctors planned, to depend in future more and more on the use of psychopharmaca and medicaments, apt to compensate up to a certain degree the so-called side effects, especially the so-called Parkinson's tremor and so-called blood circulation disorders, in order to provide the way for more psychotherapy, group therapy and caseworking there combined to and of course doing scientifically based evaluations about the possibilities, to get the patients kept away from internment and even to replace the Psychiatric Polyclinic itself one far and utopical day, caring then about the patients at their homes and places of work, based on a widespread support, being done by almost all institutions in the existing society (schools, kindergarden, churches, assurances and so on), and then even introducing perhaps methods of precaution, able to prevent people from falling into psychiatric diseases.
Why do I report here details like such, seemingly far away from the events all around March, far away from the nothing but agitation in the SPK and, said in words from nowadays, pathopractic and diapathics there? Well, one of the arguments there against Huber at the by the doctors so-called "hearing" on 20 February 1970 consisted, besides "conferences" and "signatures", in the attempt, to reproach him for that he in some cases also should have prescribed too expensive and too much medicaments, regardless his successful therapies, as to admit not to doubt that, but too expensive and too much medicaments in comparison for example to Kretz, the latter for the rest doing almost nothing and avoiding places like the Psychiatric Polyclinic, be it not as chief, because there were combined to a place like the mentioned a lot of work and patients, demanding also a lot of responsibility resulting from the former mentioned decision, to keep the out-patients in that, what they took for their liberty, be it only a quite relatively liberty, namely existing outside of a compulsory internment in hospitals and prisons.
Not only for completeness there is also to mention, that this work not in any case could be left to the specialists who in former times had also been educated at the university's psychiatry there in Heidelberg and now were practising doctors there outside with their practices there among the population in the city and in the villages there around.
In summer 1968 there came an about 50 years old woman to Dr. Huber into the Polyclinic, carried in her wheel-chair by her husband, a former nurse in the orthopaedic clinic. The wife since some years suffered from drug addiction, caused by broken bones, the latter caused by some cardiazol shocks, suffered in the practice rooms of a psychiatrist, who formerly had been with Professor Walter Ritter von Baeyer and his predecessor in the same office of the Psychiatric Clinic in Heidelberg. Huber of course spoke about that also with his named chief, Professor Walter Ritter von Baeyer, but of course not in one of the named conferences. He, the chief, told him, that it was a riddle for him, why his former disciple, the named now private practitioner of psychiatry and neurology, electro-encephalography and psychotherapy could have committed the named mistake, for not to say, crime. The chief especially wondered, why his disciple had made use of cardiazol shocks* instead of electroshocks (remember therefore the almost best-seller book of the named chief). Huber offered his chief an explanation, about which the named chief nevertheless not became very high. The killer, thus the former disciple of the named chief, had committed his crime some weeks after he had started his private practice. The man had needed therefore quite a lot of money, because he also had been with two ladies, there occupied in the Psychiatric Clinic, on holidays in very expensive hotels. Cardiazol shocks were much more expensive than electroshocks, thus the more cardiazol shocks, the more money, and the doctor, master-disciple of the named chief, had applied to the woman, who now suffered because of a lack of sleep, day and night pains, tortures because of her broken bones and almost all consequences due to the abuse of morphine-like medicaments -, to the woman had been applied several cardiazol shocks, disregarding some broken bones already during the first treatment, for: the more treatments by cardiazol shocks, the more money for the doctor, just started, just needing high life, regarding the by him suffered renounciations during the years of education. That was all, and more than enough, at least for the chief who at once had forgotten the thing and never came back to that.
A chemical poison, injected usually into the cubital vein, causing repeatedly a disorder of very heavy convulsions like in epilepsy, the convulsions of the entire body or of parts of it sometimes returning unexpectedly even hours later, so also in the mentioned case -. For the rest, there also to mention, that a lot of students, once "voluntarily" exposed to such doctor experiments (not in Heidelberg) then suffered lifelong from automatically returning epileptic convulsions, they never had had before. Yes, it has broken, the morning of true twaddle (= inside information). And there is not the question, if we hate it ourselves or not.
Yes, the doctors also attempted to land reproaches because of too expensive and too much therapy*. There to mention also in order to prevent misunderstandings, that Huber of course could earn no penny for himself by prescriptions. He earned his money there in the Polyclinic as a doctor officer, thus each month the same amount, and of course later on in the SPK he never was paid in an equivalent way corresponding to his work. Just like every worker else, submitted to exploitation? No, never, worse.
Nothing but pretexts by "fine" cowards in a complete lack of arguments, therefore preferring police pistols, you remember.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
Dear friend Trevor,
enclosed you find the next pages of our letter.
We take down also these details, because you have to know all and because we ourselves never got any reliable informations about that, except the documents and the explanations we asked from Huber and other witnesses available for that.
Describing details about the Psychiatric Polyclinic in its difference to the two further places, namely the H-house in Wiesenbach and the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12, there is to mention also, that none of the about 200 patients could disappear, be it for only some time, be it forever. The doctors knew where they were, or where they had gone. In cases of doubts, for example if there appeared some lines in the police report of the local press or if there called up the police, because a seeming patient of the Psychiatric Polyclinic had appeared or disappeared at an unusual place or in an unusual context, the doctors soon got the informations provided to satisfy all the demands of the just mentioned institutions (police = media), but for the rest the more kept secret the medical secrecy, playing the game of, say: information embargo in front of all other persons, relatives, friends and so on.*
Against the SPK patients the doctors broke the medical secrecy and delivered informations to police, prosecutors and judges. Therefore the SPK patients had to attack the doctors again and again. Finally the SPK patients had achieved after some years of attacks that in trials and in preliminary proceedings against RAF people, especially (!!) concerning those who formerly had been in the SPK the doctors made use of their right to refuse to give evidence "because of the medical secrecy". And the doctors, namely Prof. Walter Ritter von Baeyer (!), Prof. Alexander Mitscherlich (!!!) & Co added in unisono: "This is merely a matter of criminal police techniques and a matter of forming political gangs. To that we can't say anything."
It therefore was a tremendous revelation, when there turned out after the SPK, that all doctor colleagues of Huber, from the young ones to the chiefs about him knew nearly approximatively nothing, there also included the chief of the clinic administration Wilhelm Ernst, who only disposed of a file, consisting of, say, one or three pages, with nothing there taken down, except the data of the civil servant candidate and scientifical assistant Dr. med. Huber, having taken the oath of office onto the State Constitution in August 1964 when Huber had appeared in the office of the named administration director Wilhelm Ernst, Huber there very correctly dressed in a black suit and when it had happened to appear also an assistant of the surgery clinic for the same purpose, but in his everyday's doctor clothes, some spots of blood there also on his white uniform, thus the surgeon, who in June 1972, then at the university's hospital of Hannover succeeded to identify a just caught "political prisoner" by x-rays, because the mentioned woman, just caught, still had some metal clips in some veins of her brain, resulting from an operation, which the mentioned mother - yes, she was also a mother - had suffered some years before. The doctors' files now of course in instantly presence for persecution and "identification". Casualities, casualities there in life and destine (where else, except in illness?).
With Huber it was quite another thing. We, Frontpatienten of the Patientenfront, since we got to know for the first time details about his work, details in relation to E-shock-therapies, surgery operations and so on, were struck by stupor about the say elephantastic thick skin there all around the body of Huber, the thick skin, which he must have had at those times of psychiatric polyclinical work, of psychiatric clinical work before that and of common clinical work all around in surgery, neurology, obstetrics and internal medicine, and what it could have been else before. We also realized sometimes his meanwhile, be it possible, yet thicker grown skin when there were to do hard, but seemingly inevitable things.
In our discussions, we read once more the reports of his doctor colleagues, who once had been quite familiar to him, thus psychiatrists, psychologists and so on, who, after the end of the SPK, had taken down the named reports. We became struck once more, but now by a laughter-sickness, so to say, if in English language laughter-sickness actually exists. As objectively as we could do it, we tried to imagine the person, there described in the named reports and files. What we saw in our uttermost strengthened imagination, was a monster of sensibility, even of childlike sensitivity, maybe too weak for any struggle for life in the surrounding dirty world of illness, death and misery, demanding heroic, old-German and even Wagnerian consciousness of killing pity, not at all renounceable, if there "was need" to deliver miserable ones from their miserable lives; or at least tolerance, tolerance and once more tolerance, for not to say patience regarding illness and the circumstances around it.
Of course we therefore asked also Huber himself, once, if there seemed to be a good occasion. He answered that of course such monsters do exist, remember for example old Faust, whom we know from school: "Two souls, alas, dwell here in my brest". But you are seemingly not satisfied with my explanation, he continued. The monster exists, it exists, he started once more, it exists there in medicine, no, not so very in medicine, because there it is taken for an uncurable monster. Therefore it exists in psychiatry, there also taken for an uncurable monster until nowadays, and thus beware the genetical technology, which in future perhaps will damn the named monsters to life instead to death as formerly. Well, he added, the named monster exists nowhere, but in psychiatry, since there is psychiatry, the latter which started not before some hundred years ago. In the earlier past there had been the already mentioned Dr. Faust, and still earlier the witches and the shamans and there before the avatars (forefathers) and the Great Mothers, the kings and the kaisers, thus the emperors, not to forget to mention; and in the beginnings, as we strongly suppose, there had been the physician-priests or priest-doctors (Priesteraerzte), arosen from somehow crippling illness, skillful virtuosi in surviving, the named "patients" thus.
Back to more modern times. The, as to repeat, still uncurable monsters exist, stand and fall and decease never, except together with therapy. You got it now, he asked, the named monsters like me once became labelled as "psychopaths", and least 10% of the world-population since then walk through the streets of our cities, through the pathes in some jungle, most of them secretly, because until nowadays most of them not recognized, nor identified as psychopaths*. A tremendous danger, so long.
Dear reader, the psychopath is you, if there exists a doctor. Do you like it? Doesn't matter? You quite on the contrary prefer to become interned into a hospital or a prison because of nothing, maybe for life? Fine. There once was a patient who was angry with his doctor, because he had put on him the diagnosis "psychopath". But then he thanked the doctor very gratefully, when the doctor told him that he not at all had meant any harm by that and that it had been done exclusively for "scientific reasons". So the patient was set quiet. But there is gaining ground a new moral for psychopaths: at the first opportunity knock down the doctor at once.
Until now, we all of the Patientenfront had listened, keeping silence, occasionally shaking our heads, while making some notes about that, or not about that on a paper, or be it on some paper clipped together, except Mrs. Huber, who shouted to her husband something like: nonsense, stop, shut up. There to mention just for purpose, that Mrs. Dr. Huber at those times in the files of the psychiatrists had been labelled as a, quite in contrast to her husband, "quite reasonable woman", without having taken it for a compliment.
But Huber nevertheless continued, saying, that in the case of his, thus in the case of the "case Huber", the named monster - regardless existing exclusively in psychiatry or including all hidden ways of society - was not an average or an every-day 10-%-psychopath, but worst of the worst, some of the uttermost rare so-called "fanatical psychopaths" and, higher you can't climb, lacking even all until now known political marks, renounceable in no way for a differential diagnosis, thus the monster of a monster.
Arrived at this point, Mrs. Huber said very calmly, that her husband now needed bitterly to go on with his exaggerations and to strengthen still more a little bit his fantasy, thus fantasy for the sake of fantasy in order to become aware, that neither Faust, nor some "fanatical psychopath" ever did mention the word or had done Iatroklasie (iatroclasm), except the Frontpatients in the Patients' Front, except herself. Upon that there arose a common protest out of illness against her, with contradictions and contradictions and self-reproaches from her side, but finally the thing had been done.
All along the several last sections of this letter we have presented to you some aspects out of the little world there in Heidelberg from 1966 to 1970, represented by the Psychiatric Polyclinic of the university, for not to say, of the universe. It was our secret intention there behind to make you see, what we take for the way of revolution, actually and in future, filled with patients there on the road (echo: ta-rot, torat, atrot, ortat ...). In a macroscopical view the differences vanish, for advantage. The medicine vanishes, let it vanish and there remains therapy, the illness continues growing, and there appears revolution. You need not care about differences in medicine, as there are the faculties, not care about methods, as there are electroshocks in psychiatry, but also in police-headquarters, and you need not care about psychiatry and the same anti-psychiatry: the same psychiatry, and you even need not care about different diagnoses there in medicine, and lacking diagnoses there in other, so-called unscientifical therapies*, if there seems to be a lack of diagnoses in the eyes of anybody. Fasten your awareness just for a moment only on illness there in the medicine, and then return again to the Psychiatric Polyclinic in Heidelberg with the illness there liberated, be it only to an infinitesimal little extent there once in the past.
e.g. natural medicine, so-called outside-methods and even the in medieval times commonly current iatro-mathematics.
Now, as I hope we are prepared well enough to return to the three named places far away from you in time and space, Dear Trevor, there in the USA, or say, we return to the only two places, namely the Psychiatric Polyclinic before 2 March 1970 and to the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse-12 up from 2 March 1970, because we can let aside the Huber house there in Wiesenbach, there in the context of all around March, your question, nothing but a basso continuo, the house at the hill, regarding the big orchestra tuning its instruments there in Heidelberg, figuratively spoken.
Some day in December 1969 the first quite unspecific dissonance: a call to Huber in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in urgency of danger at noon and an offended psychiatrist in the evening there in between.
Event: some patients after a group therapy there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, meanwhile informed, had gone in confrontation against the successor of Kretz in the Psychiatric Clinic, asked him either to call the police against themselves, or to release immediately the patient with the call because of emergency danger. With successor of Kretz we here mean a psychiatric assistant whom they had chosen there in the Psychiatric Clinic to replace Kretz, there for the first time fired in 1966, while Huber simultaneously had started his work in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. In the evening of the just mentioned day the since 1966 successor of Kretz had happened to meet Huber and had complained bitterly about the Psychiatric Polyclinic patients with their lies, as he said, from the noon in this day, that he, the psychiatrist were on the side of the police, while in truth, as he said, the Psychiatric Polyclinic patients obviously had been the policemen themselves, trying to play with him the game of police against patient-robber, a ridiculous game, as he added, but nevertheless an offence demanding punishment. Thus police, Huber added, and asked back, of course in vain, where there had been the lie of the patients, there in question.
The involved patient, a student, had been labelled once in the Psychiatric Clinic as "pseudological psychopath*, not to exclude danger for society". He mostly wrote long letters to a chief psychiatrist in the Psychiatric Clinic, with seemingly philosophic or pseudo-philosophic contents, as there said the just mentioned chief psychiatrist, among the relatives of whom there had been an uncle or someone else, who had been one of the famous two philosophers, against whom Lenin once had written his book "Empiriocriticism and Dialectic Materialism", a book of less interest, be it only in a political view from nowadays. Now, because of the letters of the mentioned patient, the mentioned chief psychiatrist in the Psychiatric Clinic always was in trouble, because he, as he said to Huber, could not decide, whether the patient announced to him crimes of danger for the society by the philosophic or pseudo-philosophic contents in his letters, or if he, the patient, by his letters intended nothing else, but to laugh at him, thus at his therapist, thus gaining joy and libido, as the psychiatrist said, on his expense, on the expense of him as a doctor, who for the rest never had demanded money from the patient for his therapeutical efforts during his free time. He, always the same chief psychiatrist there in the Psychiatric Clinic, relative of a former top-philosopher, therefore had addressed himself to Huber, begging the latter, just as he said to Huber, to redeem him from this nevertheless not disagreeable patient, for whom he, one of the chief psychiatrists in the Psychiatric Clinic, could no longer bear any responsibility in the case, if there should happen some catastrophe by fire or somewhat else, while he, always the same mentioned psychiatric professor, was day and night in anxiety to say to the patient that he, the professor, had decided never to receive him again, the mentioned patient, for a therapy in the Psychiatric Clinic, except behind by key and lock closed doors.
Dear reader, the psychopath is you, if there exists a doctor. Do you like it? Doesn't matter? You quite on the contrary prefer to become interned into a hospital or a prison because of nothing, maybe for life? Fine. There once was a patient who was angry with his doctor, because he had put on him the diagnosis "psychopath". But then he thanked the doctor very gratefully, when the doctor told him that he not at all had meant any harm by that and that it had been done exclusively for "scientific reasons". So the patient was set quiet. But there is gaining ground a new moral for psychopaths: at the first opportunity knock down the doctor at once.
Well, Huber promised to care about the named patient and had done so since about 1967, having been very glad, that it had not been the professor himself who had begged for therapy. The mentioned patient, the "pseudological psychopath*, not to exclude danger ..." turned out to be an obstinate young man, an only child, bodily suffering from the fact, that he for example neither was Cassius Clay (a famous boxer at those times), nor could get any satisfaction out of his studies, quite in contrast to his sister and quite in contrast to his father, an old reliable lawyer and also in contrast to his still very young second mother, who sometimes seemingly had tried to play her games with him, for the rest not meant very seriously.
He now visited Huber sometimes for some moments only in the Psychiatric Polyclinic (no medicaments!), sometimes he visited at home his little children, also when the parents were absent, then staying longer (remember: "... danger for society not to exclude"), but never was ready to take part also in group therapy or to join then so-called "political activities", but liked very much to report Huber about movies he had seen, like for example "Fahrenheit 451" (or had been the heat there in the fire of an even higher degree?) and to discuss with him about that for at least half an hour.
At the named noon in December 1969 he had gone to visit somebody in the Psychiatric Clinic compulsorily interned there and the carate-trained nurses there, don't ask me the cause, suddenly had decided to keep him there, of course with the permission of the doctor, called up somewhere in the city, where he took his meal.
In 1973, still in the prison of Stammheim, Huber was told by the IZRU-leader-lady (see first nine pages of this letter) that this (l)only-child-patient now also was dead.
Here to add, be it only for completeness, that the offended psychiatric doctor, responsible for the here reported, say incident or say accident in December 1969, later on, on Friday 20 February 1970, when there had taken place the by the doctors so-called "hearing" in the Psychiatric Clinic, had been the only one who neither voted in favour of Huber and the patients, nor against him. Just in the moment, when there took place the decision by show of hands, the named Huber colleague here in question, arose from his seat there midst in the hall, put his right hand between his legs and then ran downstairs, maybe to the WC, because he left the hall and returned already after about three minutes, taking his seat there again, just as if there had happened nothing meanwhile or before.
As we already repeatedly mentioned, the expulsion of the patients and of Dr. Huber from the Psychiatric Polyclinic secretly had been planned and prepared since some weeks ago, and of course also the mentioned Huber colleague with his right hand between his legs, because of a full, or be it an empty urinary bladder, presumably had to take down his decision before by writing, for he also automatically was a member of the doctors' councils which, as to repeat again and again, were the only true criminal conspiracy which secretly worked at those times.
It also was his signature, which we until now never got before our eyes. For, the next day, 21 February 1970, the only signature beneath the writing handed to the mother of Dr. Huber there in Wiesenbach (look also the first nine pages of this letter) was the signature of the clinic administration director Wilhelm Ernst, the useful chief idiot of all the useless, better said: crimes and damage causing chief killers there behind and above, namely the medical doctors there all around at the university of Heidelberg and elsewhere, not to forget their helpers from the State government up to the motor-bicyclist in the latter mentioned case, who brought thepatients-out message, simultaneously the police-in message, concerning the Psychiatric Polyclinic in Heidelberg to his at that time still alive mother, also not daring to hand it to himself.
Well, there did not yet exist the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12, but the big Wagnerian orchestra, there around the Psychiatric Polyclinic in Heidelberg, tuned its instruments and the since January 1970 so-called Huber-patients had caused the first shrill dissonance there in December 1969, still an unspecific dissonance, but at least one string, at least one horn or trumpet, at least one drum there in the orchestra, always figuratively spoken, had broken: a psychiatrist felt bitterly offended and attacked by lying "pseudologic psychopaths"* thus: warmth was on the way, just as usual in dissonances**, because the tone, "the tone, if it dies, dies in warmth" (Hegel) and "not only the musician sweats, but also his instrument" (Hegel, once more).
Dear reader, the psychopath is you, if there exists a doctor. Do you like it? Doesn't matter? You quite on the contrary prefer to become interned into a hospital or a prison because of nothing, maybe for life? Fine. There once was a patient who was angry with his doctor, because he had put on him the diagnosis "psychopath". But then he thanked the doctor very gratefully, when the doctor told him that he not at all had meant any harm by that and that it had been done exclusively for "scientific reasons". So the patient was set quiet. But there is gaining ground a new moral for psychopaths: at the first opportunity knock down the doctor at once.
**Each consonance also tied to dissonance there all around the circle of under- and uppertones, there all around all phenomena of resonance, isn't it?!
Specific attacks against all patients of Huber there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic arose around the beginnings of 1970 with Kretz there behind.
About two dozen of patients, almost every day contacting Huber in his doctor office there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, because they needed help,started their researches and investigations there, collecting also data by collaborating with the lady secretaries in the Psychiatric Polyclinic; then the further proceedings, the decision to do so having been taken collectively outside the Psychiatric Polyclinic all around Christmas (look also above "New Years' Eve party"). Contradictory voices, for not to say: rigorously contrapointed ones there in the just started orchestra-performance, thus and so to say, if we continue in our more figurative manner to express and to describe the development in the Psychiatric Polyclinic until March 1970 (to repeat here, that not before 2 March 1970 there were the rooms of the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12).
In the first days of January 1970 another emergency therapy there in the building of the Psychiatric Polyclinic had become crossed out by Kretz. The struck patient had been a student-girl who, just like many others, worked at those time on the side also in the US-military barracks of the headquarters there in Heidelberg. Shortly spoken, her white friend had announced to kill her black friend, because of jealousy and her black friend had announced to kill her, if she didn`t cease at once to meet her white coloured friend.
Well, a problem concerning the military police, perhaps, but then in any case afterwards, and too late. What to do now, now between Christmas and New Year, when the woman sat there with the lady secretary in the Psychiatric Polyclinic and Huber happened to pass by? She needed protection, nothing else, she was fleeing, prospectively only for two or three days, because then one of her boy-friends had to return to elsewhere. How to keep her in security? Of course not in the Psychiatric Clinic of Heidelberg, nor in the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch behind closed doors. In her need, to mention it only for completeness, she herself would have consented to spend some days in the Psychiatric Clinic of Heidelberg or in the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch, but regardless all other points of view and aspects, which were against that, it was also the problem, that the two American boy-friends of her knew, that she had fled to the Psychiatric Polyclinic and could follow her elsewhere, and in their army-uniforms they had good chances, to make a doctor - if available in spite of holidays, or at least some female or male nurse - that they could meet her also there in one of the hospitals.
Of course she couldn't stay in the Psychiatric Polyclinic during the night, because there were no beds and no meals for the patients, the Psychiatric Polyclinic, as to repeat, an out-patients' clinic. Huber therefore now went some floors upstairs there in the building of the Psychiatric Polyclinic, met there the female chief nurse of the ward of a branch of internal medicine and spoke to her. She consented to care about the persecuted girl, there were also some beds not in use on the private ward, and the persecuted girl of course was ready to pay and did pay. It became arranged, that Huber would care about her therapy, the female chief nurse should send her to go down every day and for the rest continuing contacts to Huber. To add, that the professor of the named ward there above in the building of the Psychiatric Polyclinic was in holidays including the first week of the New Year as there mentioned the female chief nurse.
It had not been for the first time, that Huber felt constraint to take necessary steps, necessary there in emergency cases also in a, say: a little uncommon, but not unusual way. Also his Psychiatric Polyclinic chief, who had gone in May 1969 had done so before, if there was need.
All worked well until to the first days after New Year. There this, say, double out-patient/in-patient lady had been fired and indeed because of Kretz, who, informed by the lady secretary there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic,secretly had followed her upstairs, then called up at home the professor and chief of the female nurse and chief of his ward, who of course had prohibited to let some psychiatric patient in a bed in the ward of internal medicine, the responsibility in the case of some complication then on his side, as the professor said.
The by Kretz fired first, so to say: "US"-patient later on for some weeks also joined the SPK in summer 1970, but, taking indeed very strong interests in old German ideology, had increasing trouble to follow the proceedings and developments there in SPK. But also later on from time to time she called up at Huber there in the SPK, mostly then using a telephone in the US-military barracks.
Other news about Kretz entered the Psychiatric Polyclinic during the first fortnight of January 1970, he himself (Kretz) mostly there absent, as to repeat.
In a public assembly there elsewhere in Heidelberg he had given a lecture and the patient, who reported about that to Huber in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, there for therapy, had happened to take part also in the named assembly. In the following discussion after the lecture-giving of Kretz the patient, at that time still unknown to Kretz had asked him the question what was his opinion about all the patients in the capitalist society, the problems of which obviously could only become resolved in an at least system-revolutionary manner. As the patient reported, Kretz had answered that he "of course" entirely agreed with the Huber-patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, where he now, himself, was the chief. Kretz also added, that he himself already disposed of some methods to reach the goal, but "of course" could not speak about that here in public, but soon would do it, still in time, and "before one month will be over".
We, the patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic at those times knew Kretz already well enough, to take all, what he had told in the named public assembly especially about ourselves, for nothing else but for an attempt of propaganda in favour of himself. We even didn't ask us why he wasted his time at assemblies like the mentioned. From the years before, he was commonly known there at the university to appear here and then in different events about different matters, but always under the condition, that there was occasion for discussion later on. He then, as soon as the lecturer had ended his recitation or something else and opened the discussion, took up the word, saying first, that there were some very important "things" to mention and to add from his (Kretz') side, then repeated the headline of the event and also parts of the conclusion, twaddled a while about that, sometimes failing at all sense and context, and if the lecturer or somebody else then succeeded to interrupt his twaddles for a moment, he then immediately started again, affirming that the correction was exactly that, what he had meant before, and so on and so on.
There is to admit, that happenings like the just mentioned all around are in no view rare, nor do they lack useful side effects of humour, enjoyment and diversion. But when Kretz had ended, there was always to hear a sigh of relief, and just in this always consisted the indisputable fact, that Kretz always was the lonely champion in the mentioned events there all around.
Maybe, that later on he developed his faculties and his proceedings in rhetorics, because of the more occasions, provided to him also by the now imprisoned SPK, be it only and "of course" unvoluntarily; but in those times in thebeginnings of New Year 1970, it already was enough for the patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic and a given occasion to care not so much about what Kretz perhaps intended else except wasting time, which for the rest was not the time of the patients, who didn't need him at all.
His revolutionary method, he had announced, his marvellous weapon to win the patients' revolution within one month consisted in two things only:
first, to become (pro-)rector at the university of Heidelberg,
second, to liquidate the therapeutic work, there the accent on work, thus, to liquidate the Psychiatric Polyclinic.
The latter goal, namely to extinguish the Psychiatric Polyclinic he reached on 21 February 1970, when the patients and Huber got pushed out of the Psychiatric Polyclinic by illegal violence and exclusion zone.
The first goal, namely to become a (pro-)rector, he missed on 14 February 1970, when he himself by the patients of the Psychiatric Polyclinic had been pushed out of the office of rectorship, his candidacy for the named office having been kepttotally secret until to the mentioned date by himself and by his helpers - compare the secret working circles in our "open society", killing and liquidating patients in order to promote killer doctors and the so-called secret working circles in the SPK, which indeed never existed, except in the warrants and so on, but in reality the work of the SPK being combined to "marvellous healings" ("Wunderheilungen"; curings which were really miraculous) and patients' promotions up to counsellors of governments and to skillful pathopractitioners in all parts of the society. Compare once more and make a confrontation of the facts.
For readers, who like more to critizise the later on SPK in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12* there is to mention, that we at those times, there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in January 1970, still were in the beginnings and at a lower level of, for example, analysing facts down to their roots and up to their goals, and also our methods of anticipating and forecasting events were rather undeveloped and lacking the training, thus faculties of which we meanwhile dispose up to a certain degree, almost sufficient to resolve each real problem, which could appear in our collective work. But quite on the contrary there in the beginnings of the later on SPK it could happen, that we even didn't care about facts like the impending liquidation of "our" Psychiatric Polyclinic, did not care about secret candidatures of someone like Kretz and even did not care about victories of our own, namely the fall of Kretz, thus a victory to which we had, as there exists a somewhat stupid saying in Germany: to which we had come just and exactly like the virgin to her child (means: it just fell into our hands).
the readers therefore owe it to us, not to make once again what they think to have been our mistakes.
Well, the patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in the first fortnight of January 1970 busily did their researches and were more than a little proud of the statistical result, now found and measured by numbers like 46 : 5 : 4* - thus a proportion of 12:1 comparing Huber and Kretz -, that their still therapist Dr. Huber was a 180 to 200-%-therapist in comparison to Kretz and the others.
Of the questioned 55 patients in this fortnight 46 patients came to Huber, 5 to another doctor and 4 to Kretz; in total at that time there were about 180 patients in a therapy of Huber.
The later on SPK patients enjoyed also very much their success, when they presented on 20 February 1970 - in the by the doctors so-called "hearing" - to an indeed very great and at that flabbergasted public the results of their statistical busy-bee-work (isn't there collectivity also in bees and ants, thus in communism and totalitarism, thus not new, but bad?), and Kretz and all the doctors at his side were totally surprised, Kretz himself quite at a loss to stutter more than some words, the sense of which was, that he now for the first time got to know something about researches, done in "his" Psychiatric Polyclinic by patients, "so-called researches and investigations", which he "of course" would have "forbidden, prohibited and in any rate stopped", if somebody had spoken to him about that, "latest in this moment". Therefore, and be it only therefore, the by the "Huber-patients" just presented results could not but be without any relevance.
Just in the latter mentioned moment Kretz indeed had spoken truly, because the pistols of the police and the exclusion zone there around the Psychiatric Polyclinic up from next day (21 February 1970) were, just as Kretz must have known best, already prepared and ordered.
Just after the here once more mentioned, by the doctors so-called "hearing", still in the hall, there came two lady doctors, former colleagues and even somewhat like political allies to Huber, whispering: "Please do take care for you. There is eminent life danger, there waits a great existential catastrophe. You will realize it up from tomorrow. We now cannot say more about that. Once more: danger".
Maybe I should not forget to mention, that the lady doctor, who told the just mentioned words to Huber, was a very close relative to an at those times famous social democratic representative there in the government of the Western German government-capital. She once had been of the opinion, that Huber because of philosophy would be a man very interested in politics, the same as her relative, as she told, there in the government. Huber had been more than a little astonished about that and answered her, that for him philosophy had absolutely nothing to do with actual or current politics, but the more and so to say quite on the contrary with medicine and therapy. There the lady had silently looked at him for some moments. Then she said, that she would think it over, but for the moment she, as a simple internist woman, seizing her stethoscope just while saying the mentioned words, felt absolutely unable to grasp the sense of what could be the relation between philosophy and therapy.
As it seemed to Huber the lady had been not completely wrong because: either philosophy or therapy. Therefore, now in the Patientenfront we have since many years replaced the word philosophy by the word diapathics. Concerning the word therapy there was no need to replace something, because therapy is more than a nothing, means: damage and destruction. The patients got it especially during the last weeks before the SPK there still in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, all patients there, some of them indeed learned it there, learned it by heart, as so to say; others forgot it even before they had started to learn it.
You, dear Trevor, mentioned in a schedule of your last letter somebody, the two first letters of his prename are 'Kl'.
He came to the SPK not before spring/summer 1970, say April/May. He later on mentioned somewhere and had it taken down and spread there all around by the media, that up from the first day, thus latest from 2 March 1970, he had taken care and preventions to defend the SPK from outside, being for the rest absent on 30 September 1970, no, to be correct, he first had been there in the evening, but then had gone. To add that during the last week before the self-dissolution of the SPK on 13 July 1971 he had dwelled day and night there in the Huber house in Wiesenbach, watched the police secret messages, drove all around with the Huber car, but unable to drive it back in the garage there, even regardless the help of the neighbours, who told him, that Dr. Huber always and without difficulties had been able to drive the car into the garage, backside first.
The named, as to admit, also SPK patient, do you take him for a forgetter-before-learning or for someone else? Please decide by yourself, but do beware your readers there in future to decide by themselves just that, what you on your side already are able and enabled by us to decide in a correct way, regarding the "reports" of the named, as to admit, also SPK patient who, for the rest, was and maybe is until nowadays a very pleasant man, he did the best he could already in the times of the SPK and later on in other groups.
The last group in which he collaborated, now out of any danger and risk of life, was the top chief of the prosecutors and persecutors against so-called terrorism there in Germany. The son of the latter mentioned Chief Federal Prosecutor died of drugs some years ago, thus in a certain sense a patient himself, his father still alive and the mentioned Kl in your schedule now on the side of the mentioned chief prosecutor and persecutor, and there on the side, side by side not only when they celebrate their performances in television, but also afterwards, when they drink together some drops of good old German wine and have their smalltalks about good old common times there in the wide field of "terrorism", the one at those times at the one side, the other at those times at the other side, but now and as to hope in future good friends and companions.
There to add, that the named Kl, who had been for at least one week, day and night, say: the host there in the Huber house in Wiesenbach, never had been present there on some of the Wednesday evenings before 30 September 1970, never on one of the Thursday evenings after the 30 September 1970.
But there in the mass media later on, when he had returned from prison by a pardon some years ago, never been in prison because of SPK, neither because of a warrant against him because of SPK, he did quite a lot of statements, repeating nothing else, but the same old and eternal lies of the enemies of course, say there may exist some split of so-called truth also in each lie, but by means of permanently repeating them, there doesn't arise more truth.
We ourselves can't help, but we don't get away from the strong opinion, be it only by review, that the named Kl, up from his beginnings in the SPK, disposed of only the one secret, that he never came together with the illness of, be it only: one other she- or he-patient.
There is to mention also the above (on the first nine pages of this letter) in detail and detailed mentioned lady leader of the IZRU with the first letters of her prename being Si.
Quite in difference to the latter mentioned Kl she, as a later on lady case- and streetworker, already appeared from time to time in the Psychiatric Polyclinic and even before, there in the Psychiatric Clinic, when Huber there still had his place of work.
She was neither there in a therapy in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, nor she took part, when there were the events from January 1970 to March 1970. Of course she got outside informations about what happened there, but at those times she preferred to be with the war refusal groups (so-called conscientious objectors' groups) which were compulsorily occupied to do their service in the different hospitals and clinics all around in Heidelberg, and also she liked more to be with her boy-friend, who later on became something like an anti-psychiatrist publisher, of course against the SPK, and the problems of the badly getting along with the named boy-friend she also tried to act out during the one or the other of her, for the rest, very rare flying visits in the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12.
A group of military service refusers (so-called conscientious objectors), at that time employed in the orthopaedic clinic of the university, one first weeks' evening in March 1970 also came to the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 to offer their "limited political solidarity" to the SPK patients there in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12. Maybe, the later on IZRU-leader-lady had sent them there. They never returned to the SPK.
After the 30 September 1970 the named Si had been also there in the H.-house in Wiesenbach on Thursday evening, say, for two or three times. She became closely related to another SPK patient also there, but didn't get along with him and therefore never returned.
She took down notes about the just mentioned quarrels which, found by the police, later on became quite in detail reported and, say: "completed" in a "scientific" report of the in this letter already mentioned she-enemy of the SPK, a university's teacher about political philosophy, who for the rest worked out the named report under order and by money of the chief prosecutor, there mentioned in the upper paragraph with Kl.
In 1976 the lawyer of Huber (Huber then out of prison) had received the same order and had been offered to get the same money for Huber if he achieved to make him writing also such a "scientific" report about his experiences, especially concerning SPK. Huber had refused.
Now, concerning you, dear Trevor, he for the first time refuses to refuse. Thus it is now your turn to decide what your readers have to know, and what is from less importance, regarding repetitions and regarding making sense or nonsense.
We can't but continue answering your question about the events all around March. If you will mention the two named persons as true members of the SPK, please do. Maybe it will serve also as a good method to make forget their "reports" about what they take for their having been once in SPK, there occupied with illness and also with other patients (in their own opinion).
The second fortnight of January until including the first days of February and from then continuing till to the end of the Psychiatric Polyclinic in Heidelberg, this time was filled up by, say, agitation in a very broad sense signified by this word. Imagine for example an anthill, in which all has been penetrated, don't ask me the cause, by quite a little split of a foulish bone, filled with nearly invisible scorpionic living things (see Kretz from horoscope, born 8 November 1934) spreading an intolerable stink, the obstacle being in no way to grasp, not to speak: to get it out again, without the anthill then at any rate being lost (death to death = resurrection, means: "scorpio").
Two years later on, at the first trial against the SPK there in Karlsruhe (November till December 1972) a prepared witness, a male nurse from the Psychiatric Clinic brought, say: traces related to the mentioned phase, there also into the media. As he told there, Dr. Huber had been almost every night there in the Psychiatric Clinic at work on the wards, or, indeed very seldom, in the sleeping office for the night-duty (about the causes look at an upper part of this letter, page 86*, hints and details). Doing there his work on the wards with patients and also with nurses like him, he (Huber) had spoken, as to admit, in a rather soft and moderate way, but nevertheless sometimes and for moments quite determined about politics and "changes", quite in general as to admit, and as it told the nurse, now witness at the court. He, the witness, as he said, answering a question of one of the prosecutors, couldn't yet remember, if there also had been dealt with the Psychiatric Polyclinic, but he was rather sure that not, as he also said.
* The page numbers don't refer to the internet-version.
Nevertheless some ideas of Dr. Huber were seemingly, say, strange but, as the nurse added, in some way also quite correct, say: logical. So, for example he, the male nurse, once had asked Huber about his opinion about the Sovjet Union, he, the male nurse, having taken part in the Second World War against Russia. Huber had answered - and the nurse witness affirmed that he still was quite sure - that if all the German people had voted for Stalin instead of Hitler, there never would have come a Second World War with about 60 millions of dead people, following from that.
He, the nurse, had risked, as he said, a contradiction, pointing at totalitarism, dictatorship and communism. Huber had answered by the question, if he, the nurse, in truth believed, that then, namely in the world peace instead of the World War, there would have been, say, necessary still some Stalin. Instead of an answer he, the nurse who again praised his good memory, had said to Dr. Huber: Doctor (Herr Doktor), you talk on expense of your head and collar (German saying: "... Sie reden sich noch um Kopf und Kragen"; means: you risk life and limb). There to add, be it only for completeness, that Huber didn't even disdain the pious nuns there in the Psychiatric Clinic in the night who, quite as usual, prepared him a meal and got "ideology" for compensation, but also piano lessons by him, there sometimes in the early morning.
None of the nuns had come as a witness against him or against the SPK. They all later on withdrew from the Psychiatric Clinic, where they had worked since the First World War. It were the "modern times there in the hospitals", because of which they withdrew, but not the Socialist Patients' Collective.
Well, also the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic - a very catholic and peaceful man, who had accepted Huber in the early 1964 there in the Psychiatric Clinic, so to say, with open arms - once in the night after a theatre performance came into the Psychiatric Clinic there in the mentioned second fortnight of January 1970 and spoke to him "under four eyes". There finally were left only two eyes intact, because the indeed very peaceful, but nevertheless also false and intrigant man had filled his eyes with true tears.
In thePsychiatric Polyclinic the patients there in agitation were neither soft nor moderate, but sometimes rather angry, some she- and he-patients sometimes up to the ends of their uncutted, but the more beautiful long hair. It is a simple lie, that they at those times, just like at later on times, close to the end of the SPK, were made suffer, be it by Huber or be it by other patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, from the idea to end in the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch.
Wiesloch and the Psychiatric Clinic already existed since decades of years. Since 1966 by the work of Huber and the chief of the Psychiatric Polyclinic at that time and till May 1969, there had been drastically reduced the chances of all patients to land by compulsory decision in the Psychiatric Clinic of the university of Heidelberg, for not to speak about the Mental (State) Hospital there in Wiesloch.
None of the patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, especially up from the second fortnight in 1970, for truth needed any agitation as for compulsory internment. They needed nothing, except to regard Kretz and his doctors' people, or only to remember them, and soon they were entirely instructed about therapeutic terrorism (all terrorism has to do in some way with HEAL, isn't it?) -, with the shocking and poisoning machines, namely the psychiatry of Wiesloch and of Heidelberg there behind them. The only difference consisting in that, that in Wiesloch the electroshocks still were applied without anaesthetics, the patients there waiting for in series from about a dozen, the doctor putting them the electrodes both sides at the temple, until the patient there in turn suffered a strong convulsion, two nurses then catching her or him in order to lay them aside at the floor for careful supervision; while in the scientific Psychiatric Clinic there in Heidelberg they got anaesthetics and were alone there in a room and in a bed, except the shocking doctor and about four nurses there around the bed, while her or his brain became just a little bit barbecued by an inevitable side effect of current electricity heat, thus warmth. To add here also the more scientific aspect, that in Wiesloch the mentioned barbecue side effect was just a little bit slighter*, because of the there lacking anaesthetics, while in Heidelberg, concerning the caused brain-damages, the side effect could be a little bit harder, because of the humanism there combined to and incarnated in the anaesthetic substances.
There is, simply spoken, "less current" needed in an awoke than in a sleeping patient.
The patientsthere in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, who once had been struck by the mentioned killer therapy, since long ago there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic had ceased to keep the mentioned treatments secret, be it even in public and not only the then "Huber-patients" now knew their enemies, pointing with their forefinger at Kretz and his doctors' people, when they passed by in the Psychiatric Polyclinic or elsewhere. And they also didn't spare slogans like: DEATH TO THERAPY!
Some incidents, there all around, already are mentioned in this letter, in our time-lines or elsewhere. Remember for example Kretz hurting a patient, who for the rest was the daughter of a South American diplomate there in Europe. Remember also the patient-kill-Nazi-forensic psychiatrist, who complained at Huber because of the "intolerable and chaotic patients' rebellion" there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic.
None of the patients got lost or was missed at those times there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, quite in contrast to the last week in February 1970, when the patients had been pushed out of the Psychiatric Polyclinic by pistols and by exclusion zone.
It was not Kretz, "of course", who then missed patients in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. It were the "Huber-patients" who missed about 200 more "Huber-patients", formerly there visiting or calling up the Psychiatric Polyclinic, but now not available, and it was Huber at the hunger-strike occupation in the administration building (remember Wilhelm Ernst, not a doctor at all, but the chief of the administration in the university's clinic campus of Heidelberg) -, it was Huber who got announced also to the press, that about 200 patients were not available, a part of them thus in danger.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
16 February 1994
Dear friend Trevor:
Enclosed you find the next pages of our letter and a leaflet from March 1970, mentioned in this part of our letter, but not published in our books.
It isn't necessary to have this leaflet translated. The leaflet is signed with HAK-Teufel. The letters HAK mean: Hass- und Aggressions-Kollektiv (the patients' collective was called by the doctors and their helpers: hate- and aggression-collective, and the patients used this name against their enemies). Teufel means devil. As you know the name Sozialistisches Patientenkollektiv was not in use before summer 1970.
Now there remain only the last pages of the letter to send you, containing the relation to a certain political group, and the summary and conclusion. After this you will get also the last part of our comments on your first draft.
The doctors' people all around Kretz felt extorted by that and the media diagnosed a hostage-taking, as we reported by detailed description in the first part of this letter.
Still in March in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 the mentioned problem, caused by the doctors continued:
During the first weeks of March there had come to the now Patients' Collective Rohrbacherstrasse 12, armed by a Hitler Youth dagger, a journalist, as he said, who was on the road with his caravan and passing Heidelberg, and who had read in a newspaper about the Patients' Collective. He in former times, as he said, had suffered also once a compulsory psychiatric internment there somewhere away. As he told he had great interests in psychiatric matters and therefore had decided to stay, say: simultaneously, with the Patients' Collective, but also with the Psychiatric Clinic in Heidelberg and also he intended to achieve an internment in Wiesloch. Huber explained to him in true words, that he was in danger, because each psychiatrist, regardless his own opinion on that, would take his decision and his intentions for a symptom of psychosis, say: schizophrenia, demanding researches at least and in the better case in order to have excluded the named psychosis, but most probably causing an internment for a lot of weeks, because for the rest he, the journalist once, as he had told himself, already had been in psychiatric treatment, the latter circumstance to keep secret, be it only for the beginnings, in front of the psychiatrists there in the hospital for his own best, regarding the good condition, in which he still was and as to suppose and to hope, intended to maintain because of his travelling hobby. The good man transmitted his Hitler Youth-"sword" to Huber as a sign of trust, as he said repeatedly.
Just as also promised by him he kept contact to the Patients' Collective in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 in March 1970, and also he came there once more some days later.
Then the electricity had been cut off on command of the doctors to the administration and there was no phone to call up the Patients' Collective. Meanwhile our good man in truth had entered the Psychiatric Clinic but returned from there again to the Patients' Collective reporting, that the psychiatrist, to whom he had spoken there, had told him, if Rendtorff (chief-rector of the university) keeps remaining in his office, also the Patients' Collective and Huber will remain. But if the rector falls, also Huber falls. The psychiatrist having spoken to him the just "sibylline" words, had combined to that, as the Hitler Youth sword-man added, the good advice to go back to Huber in the Patients' Collective and to stay there as long as possible.
The named psychiatrist, as to suppose, seemingly had followed the famous so-called rule of least resistance. He in security, and as for Huber (so to speak, German saying:) "help yourself, then God will help you" (means: "God helps those who help themselves"), to add: that the psychiatrist here in question was a moderate evangelic churchgoer, in spite of boasting sometimes about the 3.000 electroshocks he had applied, as he said, all the time with no noticed bad consequences ("except the obvious biofeedback effects on your own brain", as Huber had murmured once in a doctor's conference there in 1965/1966).
But now all touch was lost and the patient, quite on the contrary to his done agreement, for about a week had not returned to the Patients' Collective.
The patients looked for his caravan. No caravan of his there on the camping places. The patients called up from a telephone cell at the Psychiatric Clinic and at the Mental Hospital in Wiesloch. No information. They called up repeatedly on their own expense. No information, information embargo to the Patients' Collective, expressis verbis, even.
The police on 20/21 July 1971 had taken with them also the Hitler-"sword" lying in a desk drawer in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12. It didn't appear on the table of the court against the SPK, there during the trial in Karlsruhe in winter 1972. Also the mentioned patient never appeared again.
Just simultaneously one of the two women who had been with Huber at home at Wiesenbach on 28 February, had disappeared.
Two students announced it to Huber there in the Patients' Collective. As they told, they had consulted their doctor and had asked him what to do. The doctor, as they told, had asked them urgently to make the police search the woman there in the Patients' Collective and in the Huber house at Wiesenbach. The students came almost each day extorting Huber, but seemingly had nothing achieved at the police. Some of the Patients' Collective two or three times went to the woman's room, with the only result, that they were told there by the neighbours, that she was absent, just as it had happened already sometimes in the past, be it for weeks, be it even for months.
After about a fortnight in March 1970 the pretty lady returned to the Patients' Collective and told, that she had been with a girl-friend, who had happened to meet her in the street, being just on the way with her car to Frankfurt. So she had left with her in order to visit "all political groups there in Frankfurt", in order to discuss with them the Patients' Collective in Heidelberg.
The two lefty students never returned to the SPK, and the same they ceased to care about the pretty lady, thus once and for all.
Some lefty publishers, not before the last, say: seven years, sometimes in their writings asked themselves very cautiously the question, whether the SPK maybe had been exposed "to repressions from the State" already in its beginnings.
Here to answer to them and also to some twaddling former, but by far not from the beginnings: SPK patients, that they were not mistaken, neither completely nor at all, except their - as to admit - very soft reproaches directed against "the State", directed against "the repression". By and by they should leave it to the young ones to learn that there exists a killer therapy, arising from the doctors' class, but that there existed once also an SPK, which nevertheless caused a lot of damage to the named treacherous killers' class and to its helpers, as to say: State, government, down to old Nazi-ideology in everybody in the world, thus an SPK, which until nowadays continued to exist, be it only by some traces, never to become extinguished totally, be it by time, be it by space; never to become compensated, neither by assurances nor by sentences, better hospitals, better prisons, better military barracks, better eugenic technology (genetic engineering); because if there is broken once the trust in the governing doctors' class, there will arise the strength of illness, the new reconquista (reconquest) of a new species and there will appear a new continent, say and do just now: utopathia.
Concluding the answer of your question "... all around March 1970 ..." I just will give some more hints, just as they enter my memory. For the moment I can't do more but give some hints, concerning importance in our eyes.
Of the uttermost importance there seems to us until now the - by the patients self-organized - gathering of illness, including all its relatives and representatives as there are: population, masses and media, there in the waiting room of the Psychiatric Polyclinic in the evening of 12 February 1970.
Take the assembly of 5 February, also there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in the afternoon, as something like a group agitation, there enclosed student guests from outside and only for one time, and combine it to the discussion on 25 February concerning the administration library*, a discussion between Huber and some other patients with some obviously Kretz-polarized student groups and take the students' documentation "Kleinkrieg ..." from the times of the imprisoned SPK patients as a mirror, then by that is another proportion signaled, say: a proportion of secondary importance.
Compare first 9 pages of this letter
Concerning the class antagonism between patients and doctors, all around our arguments here in our letter: the occupation of the rector's office in July 1970 corresponds to: Huber against the administrative director in January 1970 and to Huber against the doctors' council, with rector Rendtorff there among, around 18 February 1970*, if you take Huber for a sign or a hint at the until now not yet existing true patients' class against the - since the beginnings of mankind - well-established governing doctors' class.
*Compare footnote page 67 of this letter
To the just attempted exposition I could add a lot of proofs and details, the latter being perhaps not to refuse, if there is need for understanding and explanation, and there always still will be need.
Concerning importance on a more basical level there stand out, of course, the data of 26 to 28 February 1970, thus hunger-striking in the administration building, which was a response against the liquidation of the Psychiatric Polyclinic because of Kretz & Co and against the attempts of the latter mentioned company, to transform the Huber house in Wiesenbach, so to say, by compulsoryexternment into a hospital. It was destined to become exposed by the Kretz-company to the public as soon as possible as a terrifying example of anti-psychiatry or something worse, the doctors supposing its soon failing, producing fracas, being in ruins from the first moments of its beginnings, the responsibility and blame of which the Kretz-company then intended to put on Huber.
There to add the events of 25 March, the occupation of the v. Baeyer-doctor office in the Psychiatric Clinic as a response against the attempt of the doctors to liquidate the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 just in its beginnings (no electricity, no medicaments, no money).
To the latter mentioned event preceded the 19 March 1970 Go-in at the doctors' council because of the just in the sentence before mentioned attempts of the doctors, to liquidate also the Rohrbacherstrasse 12; the doctors in the council being in a total and tremendous lack of arguments during the Go-in, done by the patients against the doctors
*See also flyer of 23 March, copy enclosed, but not necessary to translate.
My attempt, just done, to separate between importances is meant as a help, but not to create further confusion. So I stop here, expecting your further questions especially about March 1970 forward and back.
Just I remember your question about the jaywalking she-SPK patient.
Her name was El......*. The event, we remember from our documentations about that, took place close to the end of the SPK and indeed in the first week of July 1971, exactly in the week from 27 June 1971 until 3 July 1971. We did nothing, because El herself had asked us by promise to do nothing, also we knew nothing, Huber then being imprisoned.
No, not Elisabeth van Dyck.
El lived in Heidelberg. She was one among the first patients, who had come to the Rohrbacherstrasse-12-SPK, in March 1970. There before in the past, being herself a student and having grown up there in a suburb of Heidelberg for becoming a teacher later on, she had contacted left-wing groups, her parents "proletarian people", thus she herself, as she said one of the few percents in the population aiming at an academic career. Nevertheless she never had felt at home, there in the left-wing scene.
In the SPK, where there was a lot of "proletarian" people, grown up in comparable circumstances, she somehow stood out from the others by her always very correct done hairs, clothes and shoes, and also because she had the lady-behaviour of a person of about 30 years, which she seemed sometimes to be fond of, maintaining it and even to exaggerate it quite a little bit. Nevertheless she got very well along with all, who soon became familiar also to her most of the time earnest physiognomical expressions. She felt at home, when she visited the SPK, as she said. Nevertheless she preferred, so to say, more peripherical positionalities, remaining standing at the door of the "waiting room" there in the SPK, listening to the others who sat there at the floor or on one of the few chairs, while managing the copy machine and discussing. Concerning the group agitations she also preferred those groups, which took place in the night, for example on Monday/Tuesday from 0 o'clock to about 3 o'clock in the morning, there patients, who could especially afford to stay awake during the nights, there among Mediterranean people, or patients who knew, that they probably couldn't achieve to fall asleep in the night.
El also from the start needed no medicaments. Her problem, as she said was, how to get along with her studies, being always somehow tired and timid.
On a work day in the first week in July 1971 also Huber was told by some SPK patients in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 (El had never asked to come to Wiesenbach) that El had been with them there in the streets of Heidelberg some evening before, distributing flyers. A police car had stopped and the policemen had been very courteously to the women, as El had said later on, almost offering to help them at their work (namely SPK flyers distributing - "friendly and almost collaborating police").
Now El had asked to speak once more to Huber, because she knew, that during the next week, until to the 13 July 1971 (strategic withdrawal) the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse should be shut, only Huber there before the entrance in the street, all over the day. She told Huber, means in the week before, when the rooms still were in use, that she had decided to withdraw from the Rohrbacherstrasse 12, begging his permission (everybody else did not ask especially Huber for any permission, if at all, then the others) and to get a check-up by him. He did, just as she had asked and there had nothing changed meanwhile, El then also assuring him, that she felt relatively good and had no complaints. He asked her intentions in future and she said, that she in any case would meet and contact other SPK patients there in the streets or at the university, her place of work, but on 13 July she would not come to the Rohrbacherstrasse 12, because she felt not able to decide or to do something there in the street and in front of the police-headquarter. Huber then mentioned the prename of Marlies Lutz and El answered that she never would do something like Marlies, because she had realized by her own eyes the strucking effects against the entire SPK, caused by her (Marlies) death. She herself, El, being quite sure since then, that if Marlies herself, as she (El) knew her, had been able to imagine the strucking effects on the other patients in the SPK, caused by her death, she never would have done it. Then El had asked Huber to promise to her, that he would care about that, that nobody would care about her, if there should happen some of the things, which ever can happen to everybody, she herself remaining responsible as well for herself, as for the SPK whatever there could happen against the SPK in future.
That was all, because, when the lawyer, some weeks later, came for the first time to the SPK patient in prison and told about a jaywalking which had ended in Wiesloch, a female SPK-patient there struck, the lawyer even couldn't remember the name.
Precaution against help and support by previously outcasts, was it that? At any rate an argument against "secret
working circles", one argument more, regarding careful preparations for withdrawal just like with El.
Support for resistance against doctors till nowadays is not so very wanted, because automatically combined to some disadvantages and inconveniences for those who have decided to resist, especially if they already are in a hospital or in another prison, when they take the decision, maybe for the first time, to resist.
To mention also, that also El must know how to address to us. We ourselves until now do not feel caused to seek her in order to ascertain or to augment informations, which are, as to expect, at least distant from pro-illness.
There were more SPK people later on, who withdrew, not only from the SPK, but also from pro-illness. We don't know and even don't care about nowadays, if they regretted or not.
What we know for sure is, that the Kretz-patients for him always served very well when he went to the court in order to provide advantages there for himself. The SPK patients never succeeded at any court, neither in the beginnings, nor towards the end
The fact that a legal court declared that the signature of Wilhelm Ernst under the dismissal- and eviction(=Bann)-decision was wrong and false, because done by the for that not competent administration of the university, is no contradiction to that. The court decided five years too late. For the rest Huber - quite on the contrary to Kretz - did not claim at any time, that the patients depend on him as their doctor and that he therefore had to remain in job and office.
Concluding here our detailed answering of, as it seems to us, all your questions, now here a short review of the letter, and we hope we will achieve to keep it short. Then I'll read once more your questions, take them down and answer them just in a way, which will perhaps also satisfy your computer.
Inside informations, pro-illness inside-informations, based on the essence of SPK/PF, exemplary historiography, history by example (exemplarische Geschichtsschreibung) for the second time after our book "Ueber das Anfangen", which appeared December '92 / January '93, thus just a year before. Inside information from those who needed knowledge all around the SPK, and who needed to keep it. To keep it secret, without caring about all disadvantages there resulting from until now. The outside informations - spread and distributed by the Patientenfront also since long before the SPK in very different ways, in very different contexts and under different, but always significant signatures - always became used from outsideagainst the patients, last not least later on by the courts sentencing the SPK patients, the ruling doctors' class last not least all time being there behind and above.
Also the mentioned outside informations of the SPK, later on turned into police files (circumstantial evidences etc.), became used by mass media publishers, who gained by that a lot of money, the latter being their only interest, except "objectivity", which is a lie in itself, if not combined to subjectivity and truth, means: revolutionary proceedings in changes tied to illness, to pro-illness.
We hope, we pointed out sufficiently clear in this letter that also explosives, photos, radios and sports are tied to illness and were tied to illness especially in the SPK, be it in a revolutionary or in a reactionary way and therefore no secret working circles in the "SPK"-Psychiatric Polyclinic; no secret working circles in the "SPK"-Huber-house in Wiesenbach; no secret working circles in the "SPK"-Mrs.-Dr.-Huber-physiological-institute at the university of Heidelberg; no secret working circles in the "SPK"-rooms-and-homes of the patients; no "SPK" secret working circles in a cellar*, there in the neighbourhood of the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12; no SPK-secret working circles there all around, if illness is a public matter of fact and not a secret itself (keep your ache and pains secret, if you can!).
Sometimes also outside-travellers slept there deep and peacefully as they affirmed. Upon or beside the explosives, we don't remember exactly, because we in the every night were not with them. Are tourists terrorists? If travellers are also allowed to sleep in a drug- and pharma-factory or in a pharmacy with their (in contrast to "sleeping" and therefore harmless explosives) always dangerous and poisoning products, we don't know.
There never existed "good" working circles, for example about religion, about sexuality (remember: spirituality is nothing but misdirected sex) on the one hand in the SPK, and "bad" working circles, bad and therefore secret, secret and therefore bad, on the other hand in the SPK. Neither a working circle, nor something else could become introduced in and by the SPK, wherever it was, without a collectively taken decision, done before.
Well, as to admit, there exist also collective secrets. But nobody until now has reproached to the SPK that it had been in reality and "of course" nothing but, say: the US-Central Intelligence Agency from nowadays, or the Freemasonry from the 16th century.
Nobody, except ourselves, up to nowadays achieved to reveal a little bit the secret there all around the ruling doctors' class, nevertheless the secret of ruling is very familiar almost to everybody, remember the old Latin saying divide and rule (divide et impera) and transpose it to the nowadays ruling doctors' class, which is a secretly killing and secretly ruling class, and soon you perhaps will understand, why there suddenly appearedafter the SPK - and last not least during the first trial against SPK patients in winter 1972 - the there also named "good" SPK working circles on the one hand, and the there also named "bad" working circles on the other hand, the word "public" crossed out or, for better to say: crossed over and becoming devoured by the word "secret".
The doctors' class based on and represented by the administrating apparatus needed the named dividing and splitting, because it needed to restore its rulership, by the patients once there in the SPK in public contested, and to restore also their disposal of their private property, named patients, say: medical insurance record cards, the latter which they collect (loads of them, if possible), the patients, whom they split. A patients' collective thus absolutely impossible, except under the condition to reject splitting activities, directing the splitting activities back to the ruling class, from which they come, from the doctors and the "doctors" (physician-priests or priest doctors - Aerztepriester -, shamans and so on, therapists) who need splitting activities since there is need in the world, since there is mankind on the earth, the earth being itself a very hard and resistant matter to manage.
For the purpose of publication you of course can maintain the difference between "secret" working circles and others there in the SPK, if there is need. But don't be astonished, if some readers then perhaps will reply to you that working circles with the ability or capacity in themselves to become published later on or at all, indeed must have been bad circles, because having been rather foulish from the start, but in no way secret, thus tied - if they were indeed - to reactionary illness, but nevertheless toillness thus, and therefore can't have been foulish at all because of illness herself, pro-illness herself an explosive matter indeed, the SPK once having been an explosion of illness, based on explosive matters, being in truth its explosive basic elements, the latter having become sentenced nevertheless only as "attempts", never as a matter of accomplished fact. -
Some readers then will grasp also the sense, that illness and only illness indeed creates matters of accomplished facts, which are complete, final and definitive, and permanent, thus circumstantial evidences for revolutionary identity, thus circumstantial evidences, but not to manage neither by doctors nor by governments, nor by courts, nor by administration and their warrants, indictments, sentences, check-ups and killer treatments.
Now we repeat your questions and answer them briefly in a manner, satisfying also your computer, as we hope.
Q1: What is the full name of Dr. Kretz, who was critical of Dr. Huber and his patients in 1969?
Answer: Helmut Kretz. Compare e.g. page 5 of this letter.
Q2: Was there a female patient of Dr. Huber arrested for jaywalking and then taken to Wiesloch psychiatric hospital? When did this occur, and who was the woman? What was the response of the SPK?
Answer: In SPK there were no "patients of Dr. Huber". The female patient was El, the event took place during the last week before the self-dissolution. The SPK did nothing, because El had claimed so. Compare p. 116f of this letter. For the rest, we had to beat back some more comparable aggressions against patients, even before the SPK existed. Therefore some of them mentioned also in detail, here in this letter (compare e.g. pages 102ff, 105f, 113f*).
Q3: Who specifically fired Dr. Huber on 21 February 1970?
Answer: Wilhelm Ernst signed, in spite of being incompetent, because nobody else dared, the rector and the doctors being cowards ("conflicts of ambi-valence") from the top to the bottom. Compare e.g. p. 6 first paragraph, p. 21, p. 80 footnote in this letter.
Q4: I would like to know more specifically what the SPK did at its very beginning around March 1970. What references would you suggest I have translated? What would you like people to know about that period?
Answer: See the respective reports in this letter, page 63ff, 114f*. In short:
* The page numbers don't refer to the internet-version.
Patients' assembly in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in the afternoon, which fails because of the students who try to apply Marxian categories, which they themselves haven't yet sufficiently understood. But from that for the patients results the impulse to start next time a patients' plenum based on illness and marxism:::
First general assembly of patients,self-organized gathering of illness in the clinic.
Kretz is down (fails to become pro-rector).
circa 18 Feb.
Huber against the doctors' council, with rector Rendtorff among them. The patients e.g. recommended to Huber to appear alone in front of the secret working university's councils, administration councils and so on, the patients depending on a "Lefty" lawyers' advice (compare footnote page 67 of this letter).
20 February Friday
By the doctors so-called hearing, the patients achieving to turn it from the start into a tribunal against the doctors.
21 February Saturday
Dismissal without notice against Dr. Huber. Pistols and police and exclusion zone (Bannmeile) against him and the patients concerning all rooms in the clinic area.
23 February Monday
The woman in the library of the Psychiatric Clinic calls up Huber at his home to make him return some books lent from the clinic library (a ridiculous spy-pretext, ordered to her by Baeyer). Huber demands to tell the chief of the clinic that he first has to bring all patients' files to Wiesenbach, because nobody is allowed to enter the clinic. Patients come to the Psychiatric Polyclinic to see Dr. Huber. The nurses and policemen give them the private address of Huber and send them there.
24 February Tuesday
The first patients come to the Huber house in Wiesenbach.
25 February Wednesday
Discussion concerning the administration library, being there also some students and two doctors who soon withdraw. Planning of the hungerstrike up from next day.
26 - 28 Feb. Thursday
Dr. Huber and the Patients' Collective occupy the office of the administrative director of the clinical university institution and
Yes, the events up from 21 February all took place within one week. First we ourselves couldn't believe and thought it happened in a fortnight. So we have to correct* our respective data or expressions like "next week", as written on the first nine pages of this letter. (Sorry!)
* Here, in this version corrected.
To add and to remember the events from before February 1970 (e.g. patients' investigations in January 1970 - compare page 105, 108 - and many other events), serving in the one or other case for better understanding, but here not mentioned again, in order to avoid repetitions.
2 March Monday
First day in Rohrbacherstrasse 12. The patients, among them Huber, first promise themselves never to give up (be it not deliberately) the won rooms. Then they have to renovate the rotten rooms.
3 March Tuesday
The first new patients join the patients' collective and tell from the doctors' fear and plans against the patients' collective.
5 or 6 March
Example for channels of illness in protest: a child of SPK patients had fallen out of the bed and hurt its forehead. The patients get along with this on their own.
Within the first week there was also the printing machine, their typewriter and other necessary things provided.
7 / 8 March weekend
Against the doctors' plans to bring them all into the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch, the patients' collective, including Huber, voluntarily submit themselves to psychiatric, psychosomatic and psychological tests at the Psychiatric Department of a university in Northern Germany. They never needed to make use of the results.
On Tuesday comes the second chief of the university (a jurist) together with some lawyer, to get a contract signed by Huber, a contract which contains impossible conditions. Huber refuses, crossing out the first page of the contract.
Next day the patients take down their own contract and send it to the university. It is rejected.
Before the rejected contract has reached the SPK the doctors make the administration cut off the electricity for light, phone and radiators. The same all pharmacists of Heidelberg are ordered not to accept any prescription, signed by Huber.
The patients invite all relatives of other patients, also the house-administrator and the house-keeper and some students to a gathering in the waiting-room of SPK.
Change of lock and keys in Rohrbacherstrasse 12 in confirmation of the patients' rights as a householder against the university, which by some administrator intended to give the SPK rooms to some professors and their lady secretaries.
A former colleague of Huber asks because of the work with apprentices (to make a proletarian cader-group out of them). The patients' collective allowes to use its rooms for this work.
19 March Thursday
Go-in at the doctors' council against the cutting off of electricity and the prescription embargo.
24 March Tuesday
Go-in at the university rector's office because of the same reasons. Rector and second rector (a jurist) promise by contract to take back the measures, the doctors put their veto against.
25 March Wednesday
Occupation of the v. Baeyer-doctor office in the Psychiatric Clinic because of the same reasons.
28 March Saturday
Huber cares about the formality-permission to set up as a private doctor with patients outside of the clinic.
28/29 March weekend
Some doctors and the leader of the Evangelic Student's Community offer the patients' collective a house for free, if they agree to renounce at all political activities, leaflets etc.
Some day in March
There comes the lady spy, sent by the doctors. During the first introducing agitation she discloses her order and joins the patients' collective (compare e.g. pages 77, 95 of this letter).
Also some day in March
A good will psychiatrist leaves SPK, because the patients prefer other patients for agitation, instead of his therapy. (Later on this psychiatrist was a torturer in a prison, compare letter page 70.)
Agitation with people of the drug scene, concerningphysiological, chemical, physical aspects related to drugs and how to situate them into a somehow esoteric context.
And some more activities and also some more troubles.
Q5: Some have said the Working Circles studying radio, explosives, photography, judo and karate were secret and not all of the SPK patients knew about them. Is this true?
Compare also e.g. the first 9 pages, page 118 of this letter.
Q6: Which student group threatened SPK patients with iron bars? When did this happen?
Answer: People of the Socialist Students' Union (SDS) in Heidelberg and of the Foreigner Students' office at the university of Heidelberg as well as a group of Neo-Nazis, mostly occupied in para-police professions. It happened around July 1970, compare e.g. page 25 of this letter, first paragraph. Full names known to you. Please make no use of, because this kind of shit doesn't need a special name. (The same concerning the newcomers and the later on police-spy Hans Bachus, see comments on your first draft, see also time-line.)
Q7: Which Nazi group threatened SPK patients? When did this happen?
Answer: Right-wing people of Heidelberg, forming private circles of para-police (so-called Buergerwehr), the people being incited by the Ku Klux Klan =Klinikbonzen, Kultusminister, Kapitalagenten (medical clinic bigwigs, cultus minister, agents of capitalism which tried to declare the pure existence of the SPK as illegal, in vain for the rest).
Q8: What did the SPK hope to gain by integration into the university?
Answer: Nothing. It was the university which offered that against the claims of the SPK patients during the occupation of the rector's office in July 1970 (compare e.g. page 26 of this letter, page 33f of SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON). The Socialist Patients' Collective achieves, by its de facto institutionalization as an independent working group in the university rooms and by the named "offer" of the university the recognition of the entire university under the direction of the rector,the incompetence of the Medical Faculty for the care of the sick ones. The medical profession as a whole was forced to demonstrate their failure status before the eyes of the world.
Q9: To whom did Prof. Bochnik write his letter of 6 October 1970?
Answer: To Prof. Urs Schnyder. For the rest the letter was written on demand of Prof. Walter Ritter von Baeyer.
Q10: What radio station interviewed five SPK patients on 7 November 1970? Do you have a recording of this interview?
Answer: Sueddeutscher Rundfunk and Suedwestfunk. Took place in Karlsruhe. No recording existing. The interview, questions and answers, written down in SPK Dokumentation Teil I, page VII - XI.
Q11: What is the full name of the university rector who four SPK patients saw on 9 November 1970?
Answer: Prof. Rolf Rendtorff.
Q12: Where is Hall 13, where the SPK held a teach-in on 19 November 1970? Do you have a recording of this teach-in? Did Dr. Huber or other SPK members deliver lectures or teach-ins at other times (one of my references says Dr. Huber gave a lecture in Berlin at around this time)?
Answer: Hall 13 is in the (old) university of Heidelberg, see video. No recording existing. The contents are written down in SPK Dokumentation Teil II, pages 17-29. There were various agitations, teach-ins or discussions in various cities with SPK patients, mostly also Huber among them, also in Berlin. But no official and reactionary-authoritarian lecture-givings.
Q13: Did the SPK continue to meet at Drs. Hubers' home on Wednesday nights after being evicted from Rohrbacherstr. 12?
Answer: Concerning Wednesday nights (before 30 September 1970) and Thursday nights (after 30 September 1970) compare letter.No effective and real eviction in spite of the eviction order. After the self-dissolution (13 July 1971) and the imprisonment of the SPK patients, also of W. und U. Huber, no meetings at Drs. Hubers' home. Never "secret" meetings with doctors before the SPK, never "secret" meetings of patients then. Compare letter, e.g. pages 36f.
Q14: According to one of my references, during the period where the SPK was meeting in his home (if in fact that did occur) Dr. Huber suggested 1 January 1973 as the target date for a revolution. Is this true?
Answer: Yes and no. Remember the upheaval story in contrast to the revolutionary SPK theory Krankheitsbegriff. Compare letter, e.g. pages 19, 22f.
Q15: Who was the president of the FDR in 1970? (I am being lazy here -- this is information I could find out for myself).
Answer: Gustav Heinemann. Compare letter pages 44ff.
Q16: What is the full name of the female SPK patient who died on 8 April 1971? Did she leave a final note, and do you have a copy? (I intend to ask permission to reprint in full the Patienten-Info relating to this event).
Answer: Marlies Lutz. Yes she did. No we haven't (see the enclosure to the letter sent 5 November 1993, comments on the picture of the tower); she asked to burn it. You have the permission to reprint the Patienten-Info. However we think that on the part of the patients there is needed doing, patients' people warfare, but no explanations about what they suffered from a iatro-capitalist system, which there existed already before they were born, nobody ever having asked their agreement or their veto for or against this "subject". That's why we ask ourselves, if you can't publish another Patienten-text or even better: both, and in fact for contrast.
Q17: Who are the Working Congress of the Evangelical Academy in Arnoldshain (who passed a resolution in favor of the SPK on 18-20 May 1971) and what is their relation/relevance to the SPK?
Answer: The Working Congress was on the topic "suicide" [Translation of the title of this Congress: Self-Destruction. An answer to self-destructive living conditions in the industrial society] and the resolution was one of the many solidarity actions of others to support the SPK. See our respective comments on your first draft:
The congress takes place every year (compare weekend-seminars, workshops etc.) somewhere in the Taunus [a mountain- and forest area near Frankfurt, from Heidelberg in Northern direction. Taunus looks like Odenwald, compare video]. A lot of SPK patients decided to go there, because there took part some hundred of persons for some days, coming there not only from Germany, but also from abroad, there included for example also Czechoslovakians. Also most of them all belonged to the Evangelic Church, just like e.g Professor Rolf Rendtorff did, just like Professor Wilhelm Hahn did, both Evangelic theologists by learned profession. This year of course they took care not to go there, because of the SPK. Nevertheless it was a great success for the SPK patients to fight there against them, and not only Evangelic papers later on felt constrained to relate in favour of the SPK and thus against the named hypocritical churchmen. Also to mention, that some members of the congress joined the SPK and returned together with the patients to Heidelberg in order to continue the discussion. A foreign country priest next morning left the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 by a window, because he was in a hurry for his train to an Eastern influenced country. He became caught by the police from opposite the street (Jaywalking etc.). Next day in the morning he reached his train, leaving the SPK-rooms by the door now opened.
Q18: Who were the SPK patients arrested on24-26 June 1971? One of my references said 8 people were arrested on this day.
Answer: They were about a dozen, only some two or three of them were later on among them who became punished because of the SPK. The names of the latter ones you find listed by abbreviation in our letter page 61. Compare also e.g. pages 28f, 30.
Q19: On 27 June 1971 Dr. Huber's lawyer released a press statement. Is this press statement to be found in one of your books? If not, what did it say?
Answer: It is to be found in "Kleinkrieg ... ", p. 33, line 17-26:
"declaration of the lawyer office verbatim: ... the measures of prosecution ... prepared since more than a week, ... 19 June 1971. The shooting ... night 23./24. June 1971 ... pretext... ."
Compare also p. 14 in this letter.
Q20: What was the nature of the SPK "agitation and demonstration" on 4 July 1971? Do you have any reference material for the student demonstration in New York in support of the SPK that occured on this day (I am especially interested in this event -- I have very few SPK references that come from neither you nor unreputable sources but are instead entirely outside both)?
Answer: As to the nature of the SPK agitation and demonstration on 4/5 July 1971: it was in support of the imprisoned SPK patients and to plan further actions. Compare SPK Dokumentation II, pages 260 - 263.
Q21: According to one of my sources, on20/21 July 1971 eleven warrants were issued against SPK patients. Is this true? Who were the warrants issued against?
Answer: The number of warrants against SPK patients from the beginning on 24 June 1971 up to the trial in November 1972 differed, spoken mathematically correct, between zero and countable endless. The names of the imprisoned patients you find listed by abbreviation in our letter page 61.
Compare also letter, e.g. pages 28 f, 30ff.
Q22: Who were the SPK patients who began their trials on 7 November 1972? What sentences did each receive? Where was the IZRU teach-in about their trials? Do you have a recording of this teach-in?
Answer: Correctly spoken there began onlythe trials, it were not "their" trials. With the Hubers (both 54 months) there was also Siegfried Hausner (36 months, in total 42 months), because the three were in prison. The other didn't go there, because it was not "their" trial. Of course they became persecuted and chased because of that, but for years not caught (compare letter, e.g. page 19, 30, 33, 54). IZRU organized and did an international counter-tribunal ("enquête"), our tribunal against their tribunal. In the same time and context there took place also a lot of teach-ins in the University of Heidelberg, in which took part a lot of people from entire Europe (continuation also during the following years in many cases) and in the same contexts there also was the supporting letter of Jean-Paul Sartre (yes, contexts, regarding history and interrelations of actual events are always better, than so-called facts about "members", we already have dealt elsewhere). There were also activities, sometimes every day, in Milan, Paris, the Netherlands and so on.
Q23: Has a copy of Patienten-Info Nr. 31 been found since the publication of Dokumentation Teil II? Does anyone remember the contents or title?
Answer: No, it has not been found. During carnival February 1971 two SPK-patients went to distribute it, but returned after a few minutes. Some persons (policemen) in the street had seemed to be very fond of distributing our flyers, as they told. We went outside and looked into the litter containers in the street and found there most of the some hundred or more flyers, dirty. Therefore we let them there. The contents dealt with the connexion between medicine, capitalism and Nazism, especially concerning so-called scientific researches. Perhaps it dealt also with the anniversary of the SPK. Compare also letter p. 86.
Q24: When was DER VOLLSTAENDIGE KRANKHEITSBEGRIFF written? (SPK III, page 169)?
Answer: The germ of our Krankheitsbegriff and our theory of revolution, working within and without the Psychiatric Polyclinic existslatest since 1968. Published for the every purpose, first by flyers, then by blackboards, then in books. Compare also SPK Dokumentation I, pages 1-11, first edition 1971; SPK Dokumentation II, pages 161f, 197ff, first edition 1971; the respective chapters in SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON, first edition in German 1972; and also for the rest and in general: SPK Dokumentation III, first edition in 1977. The text, written down in SPK Dokumentation III, page 169ff, dates 1975. Compare letter, e.g. page 24.
So far as to your questions and our computer-satisfying answers.
A boring lot of dates? An exciting lot of doings? Exciting, least in the eyes of criminalist ideology, because in the average, there is no day, already all around March, without at least one crime, as there are offending leaflets, hurtings of the "peace" of doctors and officers, incarnating agitations and so on.
Quite on the contrary so-called terrorists just like soldiers suffer most time from a boring normal life, which Frontpatients even can't enjoy. Poor scouts, with their everyday doing at least one
Perhaps another point, we pointed out here, became, following from the matter, pointed out also clear enough, but being underasked by yourself, if there exists the word underasked, nevertheless demands some more care from ourselves now, late, as to admit, but perhaps not too late. Once more our relation to the other groups, especially to the RAF.
The RAF in no way is defined, and in no way is to define by murder, crimes against property and so on, indeed not concerning the past, the latter with which here is dealt, with regard to the SPK; not nowadays and the less in future, not because they, just as all the other groups, except ourselves, have surrendered or ceased to go on, but because there exists a contradiction in matter, never to resolve by their own means, and even not by changes in basic matters or in strategy and tactics, apt and due to reach revolutionary aims and goals.
They can't but to become defined, be it not as people in the Western, say: very high developed democratic society, who nevertheless are killed and stay becoming killed, because of nothing else but of their opinion and their ideas incarnated in a language, which before they started in no way differed from the language of Misses and Mister everybody. As they changed their language - because nobody cared about what they said and wrote down, criticizing the "legal" crimes, the everyday crimes, the best honoured crimes of the named society by practice (and nothing is more theoretic than practice) - and not before, they were understood; yes, their language now was loud enough, but the language of their opponents still was louder. You know the old Chinese method of killing death-delinquents only by applying to them permanently and obstinately the same noise? You got it by modern and hypermodern movies, James Bond for example? Fine, that's it, if you add, that also the contrary works best, leaving it to the struck persons themselves, say: solitary confinement, say: sensory deprivation and it soon, say: after some months - that depends on the every conditions in the every persons - will arise, it will arise the killing medicament.
No, they are in no way sick or crazy or, for better to speak: they usually reject firmly to the uttermost all definitions and identifications tied to illness, just on the contrary to ourselves, and that is the principal characteristic of difference between SPK and other groups, the latter claiming quite reasonable for doctor's help in the hospitals and in the prisons and even before, before they are for example shot in the streets. In any case they took precautions before, providing doctors at all expense and costs. Just like usual in regular armies with regular soldiers, where it is also the first condition, that there is a doctor available, before the fights begin, in order to diagnose then death, or to care about the hurtings in body and mind of the fighters before the next fight, in which they "of course" must take part.
In this sense, they also are indeed Red-Crossers and even old Templars, if there is some connection between, and there is. They themselves in the past also repeatedly demanded the protection tied to the rules of the Genf-Convention, all armies in the world submitted to it, especially also the US-army and the Russian for example, the RAF "of course" there rejected ("irregulars"), the latter mentioned circumstance nevertheless being unimportant at all, concerning the army-is-army relation to the doctors, about which latter relation is dealt here exclusively in the context with the SPK.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
U S A
22 February 1994
some more pages of the end of the letter (127 – 132)
We also send you some pages where we made corrections. Please substitute the old pages you have by the new ones here enclosed (pages 33, 67, 74, 99, 108, 124)*.
What has been changed, sometimes only one or two words, can you see by the yellow marked passages.
There remain only the summary and conclusion and the further comments on the first draft to send to you.
* The page numbers don't refer to the internet-version.
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
*) of our long letter. Page 127 – 132 are completed pages (you can omit pages 127 – 132 we sent to you with our letter dated 22 February). For facilitation we have written on each page: "completed page", so that they can’t get confused with the incomplete ones.
U S A
28 February 1994
Enclosed you find the last pages (pp. 127 – 135
Sorry: Page 124 we have to send you for a third time. After talking about the contents we have to correct once more: not only Evangelic papers wrote about the event in Arnoldshain, but also newspapers and others. Also on this page we have written "completed page".
Also we send you our further comments on your first draft, pages 3 – 22. Pages 1 and 2 you have got already.
To this further comments on your first draft we enclose once more our by us so-called Schildblatt (sheet about KRANKHEIT IM RECHT) in its last version of December 1993 and a bibliography list of KRRIM – PF - publisher pro-illness, in which we have written for you at the side of some pages the date of the first edition of books of SOZIALISTISCHES PATIENTENKOLLEKTIV, because you wrote about that in your draft.
Best wishes and greetings from all of us.
* The page numbers don't refer to the internet-version.
No, they are in no way to be defined by crimes they did, in difference to the SPK which - as a prosecutor pointed out, the judge following the prosecutor in December 1972 during the first trial in Karlsruhe against the SPK - was only hindered by the detentions and warrants from the year before to commit just the same crimes side by side with the RAF, the latter having once decided to recruit also SPK patients and of course the more SPK-doctors, the latter who still existed and maybe continue to exist in all eternity in the brain not only of the named SPK-prosecutor, but also in the brains of the RAF.
Therefore, if you define the RAF by crimes - the RAF who conducts most time an unoccupied and even normality high praising life -, then you have consequently, be it only in the eyes of your readers, the more to define the SPK just by some more crimes pro time unit (compare: busy not like bees or ants, but because of collectiveness, solidarity and deliberate decision). The SPK existed in any form ("crimes, crimes!") quite a lot of years before the RAF and will continue to exist in any "irregular" and therefore punishable form also in future, therefore all time provided with the same mark of criminality - nowadays and in our little Western world - be it finally criminality by compensation or by revenge*, which had not been done during the times of the SPK, during the named times, when there existed the SPK; because for, as there argued the named prosecutor, the time of only 1 1/2 years had been too short, and the named prosecutor, because of the doctors there behind him, had been "(for luck!) too rapid" to let the named crimes occur and having been done and committed by the SPK itself.
"The poor patients having suffered quite a lot of intolerable injustice, just like a dog who finally bites his torturer", as a famous Austrian behaviourist noted once, in U.S.A., for the rest. We ourselves never took us for jacker who understands why a dog bites or not.
We already pointed at the fact, that we became punished because of things, we hadn't done. And those things we did, never became punished. As there reads that is rather the rule in, commonly spoken: revolutionary contexts, but not an exception*. Thus also no difference between ourselves and others.
Huber once also was famed or ill-famed for being able to justify ideologically all criminal matters. He himself was and is also nowadays of the opinion, to live in a iatro-capitalist system where crime is the rule and justification of crimes in no way an exception. Thus to be in truth he markes himself as a patient just like do all the other Frontpatienten.
There to add, and not only for completeness, that people are more inclined to attribute the most cruel crimes to patients, especially to so-called mental ill patients than to the army, be it a regular huge army, or be it a tiny and even irregular army, thus at any rate at least an army.
As you know, and you know it up to a degree far beyond of satisfaction, the SPK - even since more than quite a lot of years before of its beginnings - in theory and practice was tied to illness and still is, so that I here, in order to get it clearer, if there is possibility, risk to say, just in this moment, that if I, myself, Huber, had the possibility, I just in this moment should not hesitate ...*. Please don't be frightened and remember also our notes somewhere in this letter about the 10-%-psychopathy**, no, about the "fanatical psychopathy". To explain, not for excuse, that I somehow feel myself as a iatro-capitalist, fixed to private property, my own private property (= reconquered illness), consisting in some fixed ideas, which I for the rest enjoy, and which for the rest are in no way a danger for the society, except for the doctors' gang which, be sure, needs to survive still for a lot of decades more, because the warfaring patients-people need them, be it only in order to become reminded from time to time, that they (the Frontpatienten, just like me) still have to do a lot of unusual things, in order to become finally enabled to achieve by their own doing, that doctors no more are among the patients-people (and there is no other people), neither needed nor even wanted.
We drop here the rest of the conclusion taken down from Huber.
**Dear reader, the psychopath is you, if there exists a doctor. Do you like it? Doesn't matter? You quite on the contrary prefer to become interned into a hospital or a prison because of nothing, maybe for life? Fine. There once was a patient who was angry with his doctor, because he had put on him the diagnosis "psychopath". But then he thanked the doctor very gratefully, when the doctor told him that he not at all had meant any harm by that and that it had been done exclusively for "scientific reasons". So the patient was set quiet. But there is gaining ground a new moral for psychopaths: at the first opportunity knock down the doctor at once.
For the rest I myself became for several times deprived of all private property, by far not only in prison and at the surgery ward, where there took place the 82 compulsory forced-feeding-tortures in 71 days, to which I had been submitted for punishment of "criminal behaviour", because of my hunger-strike in 1975, as there marked it the prosecutor. I therefore have my private property exclusively by mind and ideas, ideas for the rest in my opinion the densest stuff, matter and material here on earth, harder to penetrate, for doctors' sake, than atoms, chemical elements and proto-quarks.
I never produced myself some own private property, be it in matter, be it in mind, also didn't other "psychopaths"*, as there are "pseudological psychopaths", "asthenic psychopaths", "sthenic psychopaths", "erotomanic psychopaths", "criminal psychopaths", "sensitive psychopaths", "explosive psychopaths (explosible Psychopathen)", "psychopaths emotionally impoverished (gemuetsarme Psychopathen)", "psychopaths craving for admiration (geltungssuechtige Psychopathen)", "psychopaths unsure of themselves (selbstunsichere Psychopathen)", "fanatical psychopaths", "weak-willed psychopaths (willensschwache Psychopathen)", "psychopaths, weak and fickle in mood (stimmungslabile Psychopathen)", "hyperthymic psychopaths (hyperthyme Psychopathen)", "depressive psychopaths", "hysteric psychopaths" and so on and so on. I therefore have strong doubts, if the scientific evaluation of the 10-%-psychopathy-population is correct, while "of course" scientifically it is also correct, regarding the say 90% till 1010(!)-%-wide-spread property all over the world, to say: all owners - thus all in the world - are psychopaths, a lot of them - as to admit - underdeveloped ones. From that must and must arise rebound-effects, striking the entire society all over the world, and thus I now will confess my deepest and best hidden secret, namely: that I myself am a nothing, last not least not even a psychopath, if not all others, shes and hes, are the same, there to add also the somehow or 10% doctors, and among them the tiny minority of psychiatrists, a tiny minority, but radical dangerous.
Where there is only one nothing, a lucky lack of value, on the other side there must be for the rest and for contrast and for the sake of property only worthy things (compare reification). But a nothing, thus I myself - if I try to reificate here my, say: fixed ideas - perhaps will climb the top (Capricorn being my ascendent, exactly 15o, if there exists some master witch, who wants to make use of it, in favour of me, of course) and, for pro-illness' sake, achieve to explain the difference between the Patientenfront/SPK and other high valued and most wanted groups like the RAF, in spite of having co-existed once; and in spite of co-existing still, because value still exists, and as to suppose also in future, by making use just of the same time and the same space,Zeitgenossen (contemporaries) thus, as we say in German.
Nevertheless old Hegel there in Germany and even in Prussian Germany some 200 years ago, already knew, that time and space as such ones are the most stupid categories there in the world (not literally cited; Hegel himself never citing others in a just correct literally way). Consequently there follows, that, shortly spoken, if "crime", a counter-value, thus the same a value, in no way is a mark of definition between Patientenfront and RAF, the same is true of time and space.
Regarding social interrelationship, the SPK/Patientenfront are especially here in Europe, and especially in Germany, the only public known "group"*, which in all the years up from 1973 until 1992 never replied the by the RAF first done step of, say: excommunication against us.
Concerning ourselves we prefer to write collective or front instead of "group", for groups result from iatro-capitalist coincidences (families, parties, gangs and so on), while collectivity origins from the choice of confrontation, front itself creating collectivity, aiming at production, groups at decay and destruction, compare: group-therapy.
But nevertheless last year there were lefties - and the entire world seems to consist of nothing else but of lefties in such cases - who said that we now would be in the situation to fall back into the same "panic of separation" means: delimitation or something like that, and to draw a line of differentiation like many other people who had always done it, even before there had happened some loud-voice-action, running then for separation from the "criminals", asked or not asked to do so by the media, the police, or be it whatever kind of social-hygienic doctors' class there behind.
No, we never spoke against the RAF or against other groups, not when we had been thrown again in prison, then, as to admit, because of them and their actions, not when the police had hurt the toes of the left foot of Mrs. Huber, not when the police had stolen DM 3.000.-, searching "RAF" in the rooms of us (1976 and so on).
No, we never separated, we never did the first step to separate from anybody, except from the doctors' class. We always kept silence. But as we published our first explanations in 1993 ("Anfangen ..."), lefties - with nothing in their head but mass media twaddle, with nothing in their intention but not to grasp, if even possible, any line of our own expressions in a book - those people now cried and since then didn't cease to cry "panic, separation panic".
For truth, what we ourselves did, helped by nobody else, was to study and to exercise how to attack best also our persecutors there in the administration, obstinately, repeatedly, once more and again, for years, for decades, up to the point, that they withdrew and didn't dare to come again to us, since last time there in 1987, because of the named RAF-interrelationships. Quite on the contrary the named lefties could not do anything else, but to exercise on their side very busily indeed "separation panic", panics at all, being at a loss for advice how to address to a court to take legal actions against, if they themselves were under persecution, or if they had suffered "injustice", done by the police, not to speak here about the doctors' class. Still even then they continued reproaching us, especially if we had helped them, saying to us for example, that we were mistaken, if we address to courts because, because (?) the courts are the courts and therefore somehow the ruling courts.
Are they lefties or taoists? In any case theypractice the nothing, those worth-marked somebodies, while we ourselves living within illness are the nothing, but can afford therefore pathopractics, diapathics and so on. We never needed any RAF or somehow else relationship, in order to remain ourselves nobodies and therefore everybodies.
They who, quite on the contrary prefer the as long as possible peace periods of well adapted iatro-capitalist high life normality, feigning and pretending to abolish iatro-capitalism ("imperialism", as they called it), what should they do, if they once should have succeeded and all possibilities for high life had disappeared in favour of utopathy? They would either die because of painful boredom, or attempt to recreate iatro-capitalism, but now first time in their lives as true terrorists, terrorism being all time the, say, natural consequence of new rulers, striving to maintain their rulership (Sartre).
They need to mask themselves, just as if they were quite normal everybodies, in order to remain undetected urban guerillas? As we pointed out in this letter, the mask of an authentical urban guerilla consists of the lifestyle of an as modest as possible little criminal. High life normality is the contrary of inconspicuousness, and quite a lot of RAF-helpers have landed in jails and prisons, because of nothing else, but of the over-exaggerated normality lifestyle of which they had helped.
So you see and realize that we can't escape from them, regarding social interrelationships, regarding our rooms, our housings, our bodies, to which they always serve and in which they always are, be it only represented by administrative activities, letters (characters) in newspapers, pictures in the televisions, books in foreign countries, last not least, spreading epidemically and endemically countervalue-values which, the same like microbes need a doctors' class to gain destructive efficiency all around.
Our permanent serving-men, those from the RAF, very expensive servants, you can believe us, that they are very expensive servants, but we ourselves, in our lack of valuable private property and of state property at all, can afford them. Thus a marvel, marvels upon marvels, real marvels, thus our job, producing nothing else but marvels, very modest marvels, as to admit, because tied to illness and to what is even less in value, tied to pro-illness.
Personal interrelationships? As I (Huber) met them for the first time in January 1971 they had a smile on their face and the pistols there behind at their back and then, when I sat down at the table with them, they had their pistols, at least three, on the table, I myself had come there with blank hands, all shooters and other things far away, at far away places since latest 1 March 1970 again, just as it reads also in this letter. But I felt not at all the tiniest "panic", and also I didn't feel at a loss for arguments, in spite of triple death there between me and them at the round table, trusting in nothing else, but in the strength of illness.
Next time, there in prison in 1973/1974 they again produced death and put it between themselves and the Patientenfront (their product named by them later on "military deviation", maybe meant as a justification, just for another purpose maybe).
You may take from this detail, also unpublished until to the moment just now, that there existed and still exist in a personal view of interrelations also a tremendous lack of possibilities to differentiate between what there is Patientenfront and what there is RAF, unless you, and then also your readers already are on the way of maturity to differentiate between the illness, in which lived and still lives the Patientenfront/SPK on the one hand and the RAF on the other hand, with death and heroicvalues of normality and holy health and not to forget high life there between, instead of illness as an all time and all space missing link.
To continue, letting Huber here aside, who indeed had been RAF for the RAF, be it only for the RAF till 1973, just the same as he once started to become the patient for each patient who came to him without expressively and definitively denying illness, we ourselves have to say, seriously and truly spoken, that we are quite convinced, that there exists indeed the Patientenfront for ourselves and we ourselves for the Patientenfront. But we are in no way sure and convinced that there exists or existed something like a RAF separated from the doctors' class and its administration, down to the last doctor-patient, able to strike us by therapeutic terrorism, in no way different from effects which are related to words like RAF by current language in all Western and Eastern idioms.
Shortly spoken: we are at a loss for existential and also of circumstantial evidences except ourselves, living there in illness. If you succeed to present to your readers reliable relationships, relationshipsin being and substance between RAF-effects and SPK-Patientenfront-effects, concerning revolutionary identity, we will not hesitate to congratulate you, doing nothing else but to think over the thing once more and to take it down.
Our own proceedings arising from the review of the here taken down letter should also be noted.
There is the, so to say: somnambulic or lunatic* logic in some examples, we never noticed before.
Compare: luna, the old Goddess, the moon. Not only the sun, but also the moon shines upon the just and the unjust. And this all over the world, in Heidelberg the same as in Brasilia, in Australia the same as in America.
Notice well the striking logic there in the events (moonlight, and just there is full moon not far from now!), regarding the mentioned examples.
But to notice also the logic in our collectively done choice, to occupy exactly the clinic administration building for the hunger-strike continuously, day and night and without any interruption, from 26 to 28 February 1970, thus addressing and confronting ourselves against the administration director Wilhelm Ernst, because of his signature, consisting of nothing else but of the exclusion zone there around the Psychiatric Polyclinic against us and of the police pistols directed against us. Against us?Against the trust between patients and doctors, the ultimate value in the existing iatro-capitalist society! -
We started the occupation and called up the press. But soon there had come the chief-rector of the university of Heidelberg with his team to the clinic administration building and there had come also all doctors' councils of the Faculty of Medicine, appearing one after the other there in the one door of the Wilhelm-Ernst-administration office, one after another rejected by the patients who, doing their hunger-strike, refused even to speak to or to discuss with them, so that there were rejected by the patients, after the administration director Wilhelm Ernst, also the chief rector Professor Rolf Rendtorff, the chief Professor Walter Ritter von Baeyer, accompanied by his wife* (the famous lady scientist in political philosophy), the chief of the radiologic clinic, the chief of the clinic for obstetrics, the chief of the ear, nose and throat clinic, last not least Prof. Urs Schnyder, the chief of the dermatological clinic (him with the lady-spy, compare pages 77, 95** of this letter), all were rejected within the three first hours up from the start, except Kretz, who had not dared to appear there at the open small door of the administration director's office, where there were inside the patients exercising their hunger-strike, a red and, if we remember correctly, also a black flag there at the window. The entire doctors' class gang, also the chief rector Rolf Rendtorff and his helpers there among***, needed to gather in another room of the administration building, maybe in the library, there discussing what to do, sending from time to time a lady secretary to the door, in order to signal to us their readiness for a compromise and to ask the patients for information, the lady secretary nevertheless not forgetting to demand us also to stop drinking, the latter which was her own idea, which she then never dared to repeat again, because the patients had attacked and offended her, as to admit, very strongly, be it only by words, because of her quite sarcastically expressed proposal.
You want to have her prename also? Do you remember the movie: A fish named Wanda? (Wanda von Baeyer-Katte. Katte means: familiar to the king Friedrich II of Prussia; the latter who has been the highest ideal of Hitler).
**The page numbers don't refer to the internet-version.
***As there read afterwards, but not before 1989/90, the doctors after that had introduced an "advisers' council" at Zundel (Lord Mayor of Heidelberg at that time), a "council" which gathered regularly - sometimes daily ("day for day") - and influenced and swayed Zundel against SPK. All doctors in the surroundings of Heidelberg came to the Lord Mayor to speak to him about the SPK, but mostly called by him to come, because he himself, not a specialist, at a loss for advice.
From the named event, namely the hunger-strike by occupation of the administration office there in the administration building from 26 to 28 February 1970 and from nothing else, resulted the Rohrbacherstrasse 12-SPK, which started on 2 March 1970.
As it seems to us, it makes some sense, if we try to specify our above mentioned attempts forrevolutionary change, sucessful till nowadays, occasionally also by the term cosmic-social revolution, the latter term ("cosmic-") being in use in our doings and writings since the late Seventies.
Dear Trevor, it is now our turn to thank you, and we can't but offer our thanks to you quite sincerely and in advance, for your efforts. You can't take it easy, because it isn't easy. The guilt is on our side, because it was our decision, first to shut up, but now the more to shout. But it was also your choice, and of course there don't exist coincidences.
Reading our sentences, devouring the serpents in the letter, itself a serpent - which we of course do not intend to devote to Aesculap for illness' sake/snake -, please from time to time get aware or conscious (what is there the middle-thing between?), that almost all the words, taken down in this letter, at least are not German words, a circumstance which, as we hope, is an improvement and not a further obstacle.
To make it easier and regarding your work economy, as we imagine it, we tried to omit all superfluous terms and names, especially if we could suppose they being at any rate familiar to you, or just on the contrary, have been totally unknown, just like for example all names in the SPK-warrants. As already mentioned in this letter, we have in that a certain interest of reserve, not so in most of the other cases.
It is now more the question, what this "letter" will do with us, you there included, if there is permission, than what we shall do with it now. Thank you for your permission to send it to Ms. Helen, exclusively indeed. She did her best, concerning the SPK, but again our 'ax-in-the-wood-behaviour'*, as we say in Germany ('behaved like a boor'), is present to us, causing even something like self-reproaches at the other inside of our elephantastic thick skin. Please do say to her some good words, if she feels angry against us. In principle matter we also hate criticism. To hope that one good utopathic day we collectively will overcome it.
instead of a taboo-armoured behaviour, an imprisoned behaviour, imprisoned by courtesy-crippling forms (always the choice of the respective person, and there is a choice!).
Summary and conclusion
For the first time after 23 years there are responsible answers to the SPK.
There were to be answered multiple choice questions, asked on the background of hostile propaganda products also in the U.S.A.
In the result only those questions themselves remain to be called into question (a demand to all readers and questioners of this kind).
Encroachments of medical and State origin in the form of the handed down stereotypes of confusion-reporters and of rumour-mongers against the SPK, right around "terrorism", "criminality", "violence", "aggression" and "urban guerilla", had to be rejected already in preceding correspondences, the affiliated real matters, at least by attempt, had to be aligned again with the concepts of diapathics (dialectics of illness). Why?
Language as a whole today either belongs to the cosmic-social revolutionary liberation of illness including the forcing of Gods, or it is and it remains the hangman's tool of political oppression.
In principiis verbum: first there were words. History consists of nothing but words; why not for SPK-history SPK-words?
There exist quotation marks for the others, some of them named above!
The history of illness just has begun. Also this letter belongs to that.
In the terms of the medieval philosophy: illness is the highest arcanum.
In this letter there are outlined the doings and the developments of the SPK, which up from the first steps were expressions, consciously based on illness; expressions of illness to become incarnated, expressions: as there are bodies in instant motion, materials in instant motion, minds in instant motion, and also light (photo), lives and noises (radio and so on).
There are also outlined the re-actions: treatments by secret working circles, secret working circles of the doctors and their helpers, terror arising from that, attempts to terrorize patients, treatments by pistols and also by prisons later on.
Huber, in the eyes of his former colleagues valued as an all time "sound" and "healthy" looking person, was turned by them because of the SPK into a further proof for their ideology, that the by them so-called psychopathy occasionally and most time is undetectable and therefore dangerous. Note therefore: all real and true danger in economy, society and politics nowadays arises from the doctors' class. There is no need for some further proof.
The first measures of all revolutions and for all future up from now became fixed by the SPK and its doing.
In the beginning of this letter there are discussed its conditions of genesis and the scope of this treatise. In this context there are also related to each other the different significances concerning Patientenfront, SPK and IZRU.
There results the, from the beginning up to nowadays, determining (bestimmende) revolutionary tendency Patienten-FRONT against systems and therapies.
The SPK in the closeness of its permanent patients-people warfare by all means and to all times, stood or fell by the Patientenfront. The IZRU and what followed from that, the test on the contrary: products of decomposition and having been put under the spell (Verfallenheit) of outside influences, hostile to illness.
In the forefront of the SPK there are shown the repeated breakdowns of the compulsory therapists in front of the patients' protest and the failure of the medical(il)legality (Medikolegalitaet) in front of the collective patients' protest.
This failure has remained recognizable up to nowadays by their retreat to armed arbitrary measures, outside every legal validity, relevant to present times, and methods of secret (geheimbuendlerische) societies as ultima ratio against the self-organized patients who had gone over to the attack.
The relation of enmity between doctor and patient, main theme for the society as a whole also for the next millenium (class antagonism), was to be reified on the occasion of the "question" about detention and prison. There was to be determined more closely the bodily and social ascent motion of the then involved ones and their relation to the Patientenfront, as well as the greater or less nearness to the strength of illness in all SPK deeds and so-called Un-Taten (literally: no-deeds, means: atrocious deeds: In fact and really doing nothing is atrocious!).
Also the question for the events close to the beginning of the SPK for the first time could be answered in a diary's style.
More in passing there were to be corrected old handed down canards of authors and newspapers, the same there were to be put straight, for the first at least and by attempt, wrong weights and wrong qualifications pretending to be political.
Who publishes about the SPK, this is emphasized several times, especially should take seriously its authentic reports and experiences and at the most should even put in relation his own experiences in a self critical way. He should not standardize and write, but de-scribe and re-fer in a complex way and with the many aspects which he has got to know first hand.
The SPK, too, has made its history all by its own, the computers only came afterwards. Thus the computers were defeated before they existed, because dialectics combined to illness, being diapathics, is death to yes/no-computerism and death to the new-fashioned multiple choice system, the same as death to therapy. Diapathics self-understanding (of course) can get along also with computers, but computerism never can neither replace diapathics and illness, nor produce, be it health or at least adaption à la longue (for any length of time).
For the first time in SPK and continuing up to nowadays there exist liberated regions. Off limits for the doctors and for value. SPK/Patientenfront has reached its aim: living in illness, inarztfreier Wirklichkeit (reality, truth and effectiveness free of doctors).
To mention here the entire Patientenfront, most of whom took part in reading, providing informations and so on. To mention also all predecessors of the patients' class. Sorry for the following only untruth: the followingone signature.
This contribution in favour of illness belongs to the revolutionary patients‘ class meanwhile spread all over the world, last not least by our Stromzeitung.
Trevor Blake has withdrawn ... withdrawn from working out. His sources, he kept so obstinately secret to us, have been destroyed by their former collaborators and friends.
Kretz, the loser from the beginning, meanwhile has turned out to be the Mr. Nobody amongst all losers.
Besides the antagonism between the patients in confrontation and the class of physicians (iatrocracy) there remains nothing to mention, being this antagonism the true source of all in present.