VIII Two Comparisons *

* Arranged but not by practice, prepared by the former SPK patient A.A. who thereafter preferred emigration instead of turning illness into a weapon further on (“If you have fear, you are vigilant …”) …

39. Comparison I

Documents of the proceedings against the (Nazi-)medical doctors at Nuremberg
(October 25, 1946 – August 20, 1947)

Documents about the proceedings of the university organs in the liquidation of the SPK

"To expose all the cruelties before the eyes of the world public was a task almost too difficult to accomplish, for all people in the world then would see it as the most incriminating evidence against the medical profession as a whole. Although we were rather hopeless that we could achieve any improvement by our publishing those facts, we nevertheless, got our work done. 10.000 copies were sent to the working group of the West German Medical Boards [Arbeitsgemeinschaft der westdeutschen Aerztekammern] expecting that the named Boards would distribute our book to the medical establishment [Aerzteschaft]. But that resulted in nothing. Almost no one ever got knowledge about this book, no reviews, no letters from the readership; among all the people we met in the next ten years, no one who knew the book. We know of only one place where it was available: the World Medical Association [Weltaerztebund], which, based largely on our documentation, took it as a proof that the German medical profession meanwhile should have distanced themselves and that therefore the German physicians would deserve it to be welcomed again as a member of the World Medical Association”.
A. Mitscherlich, 1960, Preface to “Medizin ohne Menschlichkeit. Dokumente des Nuernberger Aerzteprozesses“, edited and commented by Alexander Mitscherlich und Fred Mielke


“I was rather indignant and I said if this procedure (experiments on human beings sentenced to death) was to be custom, we could as well hand over the entire teaching doctrine to the hangman and open a special execution department at our institute."

Prof. Dr. med. Gerhard Rose, Protocol p. 6231 et seq., 1946/47





“With regard to the necessity of coordinating the mental institutions through planned economy I request you to fill out the attached questionnaires immediately according to the enclose instruction leaflet and to return them to me."

Dr. med. Conti, Document no. 825, 24.10.1939





"As can be seen from the two letters (25.11.1940 and 29.11.1940), the processing by the expert of 300 cases took at most three days."

Comment by Mielke and Mitscherlich 1949



"The legally qualified gentlemen told us that this task was a legal matter, that it was a law of Hitler, or a decree which had legal value, and we were told that we at no means would be liable to prosecution, and to the contrary that a sabotaging of this order of the Fuehrer would be a criminal offense."

Senior Physician Dr. med. Walter Schmidt, Protocol p. 1858, 1946/47



"In order to ensure the secrecy of the operation, only such experts and institutional executives were enlisted as were tried and tested Nazis and SS leaders"

Statement by Mielke and Mitscherlich in 1949








“There a man called Blankenburg … explained to us that the Fuehrer had worked out a euthanasia law… It was completely voluntary for those present at the meeting to assure their cooperation. None of those present had any objections to this program.”

Affidavit of Pauline Kneissler, nurse, Document no. 470, 1946/47






“Furthermore, the murderer declared that not an abrupt withdrawal of food was employed, but a gradual reduction of rations.”

Affidavit of Ludwig Lehner on the question put to him as to which personality actually made the decision about the life or the death of the patients. Document no. 863, 1946/47





“Every individual doctor was responsible for what he did in the course of these measures which led to euthanasia, to the end.”

Prof. Karl Brandt, Protocol p. 2436 et seq.





At that moment I was in a position which perhaps corresponds to a jurist who is, perhaps, a basical opponent of execution or death sentence. On occasion when he is dealing with leading members of the government, or with lawyers during public congresses or meetings, he will do everything in his power to maintain his opinion on the subject and have it put into effect. If, however, he does not succeed, he stays in his profession and in his environment in spite of this. Under circumstances he may perhaps even be forced to pronounce such a death sentence himself, although he is basically opponent of that set-up."

Prof. Dr. med. G. Rose in his apology before the 1st American Military Tribunal in 1947, Protocol p. 11498.



Prof. Dr. med. Gerhard Rose,

found guilty of crimes against humanity and sentenced to life imprisonment


Prof. Dr. med. Karl Brandt,

found and adjudged guilty of Crimes against Humanity, and membership in an organization declared criminal by the judgment of the International Military and sentenced to death by hanging. (1947)





























Adolf Hitler

Fuehrer and Chancellor of the Reich; presumed death (1945)


To expose all the unveiled violent measures before the eyes of the university public, who saw them as the most incriminating evidence against an institution and its major responsible functionaries, would have been too direct. Although we were quite hopeless that we could change something by the publication of our contribution against the liquidation of the SPK under the title "Documentation about the proceedings of the university organs in the liquidation of the SPK”, we finally presented it on March 17, 1971. 500 copies were given to interested students who bought them in the university’s canteen [Mensa] and also in the SPK. The effect was completely absent ... (Note 57)















"The Medical Board of the Region of North-Baden [die Bezirksaerztekammer Nordbaden], however, regretted not being able to bring into action battle tanks against the group of armed madmen [Geisteskranke], where the tolerance towards a group of lunatics [Verschrobene] had turned them into an armed revolutionary brigade, ready to go to the extreme."

Monika Fuchs in the official organ of the Medical Board of the Federal State of Baden-Württemberg, September 1971.



“Based on the inquiry of the Dean’s Office of the Faculty of Clinical Medicine II of the University of Heidelberg from August 31, 1970 I hereby deliver the following expert report on the Socialist Patients’ Collective. The questions addressed to me, I answer as follows …”

Prof. Dr. med. H, Thomae, 9.9.1970, SPK-Documentation I, p. 36



As can be seen from the date of the "inquiry" (August 31, 1970) and from the expert "report" (September 9, 1970), the processing of 151 cases (number of patients in the SPK on July 20, 1970) by the expert took at most 8 days.


"In the case of the SPK, because of the decree of the Minister of Culture (Hahn) of September 18, 1970, consent (to the continued existence of the SPK as an institution at the university) is in no way to be expected. The Faculty of Clinical Medicine II strongly recommends to refuse the affiliation of the SPK to the University. "

Prof. Dr. med. U. Schnyder and Dr. med. H. Kretz, Senate meeting, November 24, 1970


"The reasoning behind the reports will show that of the 6 reports (Richter, Brückner, Spazier, Dr. med. Thomä, Dr. med. von Baeyer, Dr. med. Bochnik) only in 3 reports (Thomä, von Baeyer, Bochnik) the prerequisites for an expert judgement are met. The 3 experts requested by the Faculty of Clinical Medicine II agree in that the SPK is not allowed to become an institution at the university."

Dr. med. U. Schnyder, Dr. med. H. Kretz, Secret Senate meeting on November 24, 1970.



"The risk of suicides for the SPK members is indeed a little higher, but it is manageable. Therefore, the decision-making senate members have no special medical or moral responsibility. This responsibility rests upon the attending physician anyway."

Dr. med. Häfner and Dr. med. Kretz at the secret Senate meeting on November 24, 1970 - quoted from the minutes of a participant from December 28, 1970



"The Senate is of the opinion that the SPK cannot become an institution in or at the university. The decision is passed against one vote with one abstention. It is now the task of the Chancellor of the University to implement this decision through administrative channels and with the use of the instruments of the State".

Official resolution of the secret Senate meeting on November 24, 1970 and instructions from the Dean of the Faculty of Law, Dr. jur. Leferenz



"Therefore, the decision-making senate members have no special medical or moral responsibility. This responsibility rests upon the attending physician anyway."

Prof. Dr. med. H. Häfner and Dr. med. H. Kretz in the secret Senate meeting on November 24, 1970.



"Summarizing I have to conclude that all my efforts undertaken in this issue (means: the SPK) have failed. The resistance from all sides to a solution that I would have considered justifiable and feasible was too great."

Prof. Dr. R. Rendtorff in his accountability report to the Grand Senate on February 8, 1971











Prof. Dr. med. Hans Thomä,
Head of the Department of Psychotherapy, University of Ulm


Prof. Dr. med. Walter Ritter von Baeyer,

Director of the Psychiatric University Clinic in Heidelberg (1972), bearer of the Federal Service Cross [Bundesverdienstkreuz] since 1970


Prof. Dr. med. H. J. Bochnik,

Director of the Psychiatric and Neurological University Clinic in Frankfurt (1972)


Prof. Dr. med. Urs Schnyder,

Director of the University Hospital for Dermatology in Heidelberg (1972)


Dr. med. Helmut Kretz,

Head of the University’s Psychiatric Policlinic in Heidelberg (1972)


Prof. Dr. med. Heinz Häfner,

Director of the Hospital for Social Psychiatry of the University Heidelberg-Mannheim (1972)


Dr. med. Oesterreich,

Assistant medical director of the Psychiatric University Clinic in Heidelberg (1972)


Prof. Dr. jur. Leferenz,

Professor in ordinary on the chair for Law and Criminology at the University of Heidelberg (1972)


Prof. Dr. Rolf Rendtorff,

re-elected Rector of the University of Heidelberg (1972)


Prof. Dr. Wilhelm Hahn,

Minister of Culture of the Federal State of Baden-Württemberg – CDU (1972)



40. Comparison II

For four years (until August 1971) the psychologist Lawrence A. Newberry investigated the "Methods of Indoctrination and Psychological Techniques" of the Vietcong on behalf of the Pentagon. Newberry worked as a team-leader at the Rand Corporation, an organization set up on the initiative of the US Air Force to conduct "basic research" in order to develop strategies of oppression against liberation efforts and movements. Newberry is also a psychologist, so his methods of research, by which his results are determined, are based on the subject-object relationship, which determines both the relationship between psychologist and clients and the relationship between researcher and the object of his research. Therefore, the language of his report lacks any adequacy to the research matter; moreover, the language he uses represents the jargon common to all psychologists, who are trained to do “brainwashing” (“indoctrination”) and to whom, by consequence, the language and the activities of the Vietcong essentially remain excluded from being understood. He therefore can’t but characterize the Vietcong’s language and their actions as "the most modern psychological and sociological methods" of indoctrination. As a consequence of his own misunderstandings mentioned above Newberry denounces the methods of the Vietcong, despite his efforts to mask his intention behind an ostensibly scientific and neutral presentation of his research.

In the following, we will confront some passages taken from the Newberry report with statements by the SPK in order to make recognizable the difference between a defamatory report and a true (authentic) presentation.

Since the authentic structure of the organizational form of the Vietcong remains still recognizable in spite of the distortions they have received in the Newberry report – at least for the Marxist reader – from this confrontation there will result a correspondence between the organizational structures of the SPK and those of the Vietcong. This follows from having applied the dialectical method in both cases. This means that this correspondence should not be taken for a simple mechanical comparison. For what the Vietcong is for the left movement in the Federal Republic of Western Germany (BRD), and what the work of the SPK within this left movement is for the struggle of the Vietnamese people, cannot be answered by theories, but rather has to be done in a practical way.

The smashing of the SPK in the BRD by the violence of weapons shows that the agents of capitalism will use the same tools against revolutionary movements over here as does the U.S. government, determined by the profit interests of big business, in Vietnam. This means that the agents and the advocates of capitalism in the Western European industrial nations, if they see themselves challenged by conflicts with the system-damaged opponents of this system (ill people) will under no circumstances engage in scientific-argumentative discussions – means otherwise supposedly considered appropriate to democratic confrontation. While the "opponents" of the US war of annihilation in Southeast Asia here in the country are adhering to the "democratic" rules of “democratic” fair play by limiting their activities to peaceful manifestations of protest, liberal public relations and charitable relief efforts for the Vietnamese people, the collaborators of the North American war criminals in the Western European capitalist states by no means stick to these rules of the game.

The question is how long the "Left" of this country will continue to demonstrate by-passing their own needs and the vital needs of the West German population as well?!


The Vietcong according to Newberry


The Vietcong has developed a completely new language of political and military concepts. The correct meanings of these concepts have to be discussed and learned over and over again in the groups and in the cells of the combat units of the Vietcong until every soldier has mastered them perfectly and until these concepts have become an essential element of their everyday language.


In each unit of the Vietcong there is a political cadre whose task is to indoctrinate the soldiers continuously, to ensure that their ideological attitudes are not wavered, that their morale always remains at a high level, that their connection with the people is not disturbed, and so that, at the right moment, they will summon their best possible "fighting spirit".

The cadre is the protective mother of the partisans. He dissolves their interpersonal tensions, mediates differences of opinion and gives advice on personal problems. He has to care about those whom he protects like parents care for their children. In this case, however, the "children" are fighting adults.





During their training, the recruits learn that the political force of the movement is the Vietcong's greatest strength. They are constantly being urged to think of the importance of political struggle in all of their activities.

Political education is necessary for many purposes: to mobilize the fighting spirit of the ranks, to release them from their fear of the destructive power of modern weapons, to encourage the soldiers to endure all suffering in the service of the revolution, to strengthen the morale of the troop. This is what the Vietcong mean when they say that the politicization process is everything.


However, if there has to be used force, regardless of the purpose, its necessity is explained to people with convincing arguments. The people learn a new vocabulary, the vocabulary of the revolution, so that ultimately even citizen with a modest grade of educational development will be equipped with the intellectual tools not only to pass on this new political ideology, but also to defend it.





The ultimate goal of this systematic process is the adoption of new socialist norms by the people so that the new social order will take root and bear fruit of its own - with, or even without, political cadres.





We have been taught to open the eyes of the South Vietnamese people to reality: under the pressure of the totalitarian regime, most Vietnamese live in poverty and misery. The Americans have come to replace the French imperialists. If they hadn't come here, there would be no war, no corruption. The Americans brought their money and used it to bribe the people. The people are poor, so they must sell their lives to the Americans.







The Viet Cong fights for honor and freedom, not for money.




The People's Army is fighting in order to return the people’s rights to the people, to abolish the rich in order to bring peace, freedom and independence to everyone.


An incredible amount of time and energy has been devoted to finding the arguments that best mobilize the people. For the transmission of messages, they preferred the personal contact from one person to another, instead of the transmission of messages through the written word.



Social pressure is exerted on indecisive village inhabitants. When quite a number of village inhabitants show "enthusiasm" for the one or for the other matter, this gives rise to a sense of guilt in others; that’s because they want to draw advantages from the revolution, but do nothing about it.


Every Vietnamese, however poor and uneducated, knows how the French governed his country and exploited the people. Since to Asians the Americans look just like the French, a Vietnamese peasant will immediately believe it when he is told that the Americans are just as barbarian as the French.















Vietnamese do not have many democratic rights and freedoms. It is therefore nonsensical to assume that the Americans have come to protect something that does not exist for the common citizen.


Nobody travels over a distance of 20,000 km, nobody spends every year billions of dollars, nobody sacrifices thousands upon thousands of young human lives for something that does not exist in the eyes of the Vietnamese. So there must be another reason for this.


Almost all Vietnamese who have been in contact with Americans have had bad experiences, realizing how the Vietnamese are humiliated, wounded and killed by the foreign invaders, often solely and obviously out of sadistic pleasure.





If you have fear, you are vigilant and you are less likely to fall victim to an attack.


Unfortunately, this fear also makes American soldiers much more trigger-happy; they'd rather shoot than ask questions.















Each recruit is encouraged to ask questions, however ridiculous they may sound. Discussions on the level of each cell of the combat units are probably the smartest and most effective methods of learning in the Vietcong's pedagogical arsenal. Most recruits have never spoken to a large group of people in their lifetime; therefore they are timid. For the most part they come from the simplest of backgrounds, have a narrow cultural and political level, so that they are reluctant to express themselves in front of a large group of people for fear of embarrassment. But it is much easier for them to express their opinion in a group of three persons, especially when the other two persons are working with the one day and night. As soon as the newcomer begins to feel somewhat secure in the discussion in his cell, he begins to speak more easily in his group. Later on he has to defend his point of view in his platoon, in order to finally explain his views to 300 to 400 people.
















Care is taken to ensure that none of the recruits concerned is humiliated; who laughs at someone else is punished; and not the one who makes a mistake.



It is also part of the learning method that the instructor always explains and unfolds both sides of a matter: both the point of view of the liberation front and that of the enemy. The instructor "immunizes" the recruits against any hostile arguments they may later be confronted with. As the enemy's arguments are collated, analyzed and refuted by the recruits themselves (with the assistance of the instructor), they develop an attitude by which counter-arguments are automatically rejected, which ultimately results in the dismissal of any argument that goes against the view of the Vietcong. This method is very successful in nearly every case, and the recruits then become dogmatic to an extent that in future they no longer accept any argument against the doctrine of their ideology, however convincing or reasonable the counter-arguments may be.










Another point in the soldiers' political and ideological preparation for battle is perhaps the most uncommon. When a battle plan is drawn up and discussed, the cadres encourage the soldiers to make suggestions on how to improve the plan of attack and increase the chances of winning. Here with us, one can hardly imagine that an officer will allow a simple soldier to join the discussion and to have a say in the decisions pertaining to the strategic and tactical planning of a war expedition. But in the case of the Vietcong this method serves a carefully calculated purpose. It is consistent with the Vietcong dogma that all people are equal regardless of rank or position.







The political ideology of the Revolutionary Liberation Front, a unique blend of political philosophy and experiences taken from the literature of different nations, did gradually replace the religion of the people.

The patients of the SPK have developed a completely new language of political and economic concepts in their treatment of illness. The correct meanings and contexts are constantly being developed and comprehended in the personal agitations, group agitations and scientific working groups so that every patient learns to use them and to apply them in all situations.


In the agitation practice of the SPK, especially in the scientific working groups, the patients are constantly recreating their political identity on the basis of cooperation and solidarity through continuous need-oriented political work in order to consolidate the identity of needs and political work.


Their political identity is the patients’ thread of life [Lebenselement]. As collective emancipation, it is the dialectical abolition [Aufhebung, sublation] of conflicts, caused by competition and authority. One could say: for the SPK patients their political identity is their thread of life, just as the womb is for the embryo; but it makes an essential difference that the patients have produced and they are constantly producing anew the thread of life by themselves.

In the process of agitation every patient realizes that the dialectical unfolding of reality by means of dialectical concepts [begrifflich] and in practice is the most powerful political weapon for changing the social relations. (Political identity)

The agitation of the SPK is necessary to liberate us as patients from the paralyzing fear in front of the "modern" methods of treatment of the established medicine (electric shocks, pharmacotherapy, psycho-terrorism, deprivation of liberty, forced labor etc.) in order to mobilize the progressive moment of illness, the protest, and to turn it into resistance.


The constantly increasing external coercion and the permanently escalating external threat to which the SPK was exposed throughout its existence were perceived quite clearly by all patients as the identity of illness and capitalism.
In the scientific working groups of the SPK, each patient could learn the method that was necessary to agitate each other mutually. By that the "natural" differences in education between workers and students were progressively compensated [aufgehoben]
and replaced by the qualities of cooperation and solidarity.


The consequence of the work of the SPK is the dissemination of the knowledge developed by the patients and their needs-oriented political practice in the sense of multi-focal expansionism (principle of the people's university).
The ultimate goal cannot be collectives, but only that collective to which are connected and that embraces all human beings.


In the SPK, the patients have realized that illness is the result of the existing conditions.
The Americans came in 1945 to replace the Nazis. The Americans brought their money (Marshall Plan, capital investments) and bought the labour force of the German population. In the undiminished supporters of the Nazi regime in industry and administration, they have found willing henchmen and agents for a Germanization of their capitalist war of competition and conquest in Europe – quite in correspondence to their desired Vietnamization of the imperialist class war waged against the Vietnamese population by the American armament, oil, electronics and chemical monopolies.


In the agitation of the SPK there was worked for the liberation of the people's consciousness from the rulership of the exchange value [Befreiung von der Herrschaft des Tauschwerts].


The patients of the SPK have freed themselves by self-defense from their total deprivation of rights, they are fighting for their liberation.


In the activities of the SPK, the needs of every person were of central importance: They were the starting point and ‘engine’ of agitation. In the scientific working groups, we did not care about abstract book knowledge, but rather it was focused on the question how to refer what was read in the collective to the needs of single patients (and the SPK as a whole).


Some patients experienced feelings of guilt when with regard to "their" illness, on the one hand, they made attempts to draw advantages from their cooperation with other patients in the SPK, but on the other hand, in their opinion, they themselves did not apply enough time and energy on their cooperation with the other patients.


Many Germans, however young or uneducated, know how the Nazis governed the country and sent the people onto the battlefields and into the gas chambers. But since nowadays the "new" masters no longer appear in SA and SS uniforms, but masked in fashionable suits, it is difficult for many German people to realize that the henchmen and agents of nowadays capitalism are deploying the same destructive capacity against the people (“overkill” by exploitation = slowed annihilation of life = illness) using more subtle methods than their predecessor in uniform. But if a constantly growing group of people gets aware of that and begins to fight against it, then the various von Baeyer, Oesterreich, Schnyder and Hahn (the main enemies of the SPK of that time) clearly have no choice but to resort to the use of a heavily armed police army against these patients and lock them up because of the “danger of suppression” [“Verdunkelungsgefahr”] = danger of bringing to light evidence [Aufhellungsgefahr ].



The sick people have no rights whatsoever. It is therefore nonsensical to assume that doctors and judges protect or restore any health and invulnerability that does not exist for the proletariat under the determinacy of illness.

Nobody spends every year more than 80 billion DM (budget of the social security in 1969), nobody employs an army of doctors and nurse for a health that is proven to exist only for a few capitalists at the expense of the millions and millions of sick, oppressed and exploited proletarians. So there must be another reason for this.


Almost all ill persons who have been in contact with doctors (especially with their own "trusted" doctor or medical officers, company or occupational doctors and hospital doctors) have had bad experiences, realizing how patients are humiliated (labeled by diagnosis, incapacitated), wounded (operated, injected, shocked, amputated, poisoned by pills) or killed (malpractice, denial of assistance etc.), often solely out of "scientific" interest.

If you have fear, you are vigilant and you are less likely to fall victim to an attack.


The fear of the rulers (that is, their persecution "mania") is a thoroughly reality-adequate reaction to the latent power of a collectively and solidarily acting population, which is constantly held down with violence; for the fear of the rulers, "their thousandfold fear is being guarded a thousandfold". -
   Just recently it became evident that the German police make ruthless and "successful" use of firearms in their paranoid and hysterical persecution measures against the sick: Benno Ohnesorg, Georg v. Rauch - Berlin; Petra Schelm - Hamburg; Thomas Weissbecker - Augsburg; Richard Epple - Tübingen; Ian McLeod - Stuttgart; R. Schreck (Easter 1968), Alois Rammelmeier, Ingrid Reppel - Munich; moped riders, car drivers, so-called criminals; cold-blooded shooting of hostages and Palestinian freedom fighters at the 1972 Olympic Games in Munich.


In the personal agitation one deals primarily with the difficulties, the symptoms of a patient, however ridiculous they may seem to him and regardless of his feeling guilty in dealing with his conflicts since he firstly has tried to get along with these conflicts and feelings on his own. In the personal agitation, the participants also experience together their being conditioned by social relations, especially those emerging during the agitation. Thus, the patients experience that both their problems and illness in general are socially determined. The inhibition, also with regard to expressing oneself in words, is recognized and reduced in favor of the release of the protest which is contained in illness. Sooner or later, the fear of embarrassment is gradually disappearing because the next step will be done in the agitation groups and later on in the scientific working groups.
Finally, more and more patients are gaining the ability to express themselves in front of hundreds of people who take part in teach-ins, and also, e.g., they will be able to express their arguments resolutely against the exponents of the university (rector, senators, etc.) with resoluteness, and it doesn’t matter at all that the exponents of the university cannot or do not want to understand and helplessly try to reject these arguments defending themselves with remarks such as: "You didn't take part in the SPK from the beginning and therefore you can’t have any idea at all." (Rector Rendtorff); "Our patients are completely different, they behave like patients, but you are able to speak and you are quick-witted too." (von Baeyer, chief-psychiatrist); or simply "gang of criminals" (Leferenz, Head of the Institute of Forensic Psychiatry).


Reactions of a certain patient, such as a disparaging grin or deliberate disregard of the behavior or statements of another, are also made an object of group agitation, as are the behavior and statements of the group member concerned.


Practising their daily agitation, the patients have learned with Marx and Hegel that every thing has two sides: one progressive and one reactionary. But they also have experienced that the social being [das gesellschaftliche Sein] of people determines their consciousness, and that with every argument one must always ask which social interests or needs it is supposed to serve, and that the so-called sound and healthy common sense that has been inculcated in them by education normally works in favor of the social interests and needs of the rulers and against their own needs. Through these experiences the patients have become extremely sensitive to so-called reasonable counter-arguments. Our policy has always been such that when dealing with our adversaries, finally the question of power arises by itself, i.e. that ostensibly reasonable proposals from our adversaries could very promptly be unmasked as extortion attempts and tactical moves within the strategy of extermination of those who claim the monopoly of power for themselves. In this way, there could be achieved a high degree of immunization of the patients against the plump attempts of corruption on the part of those who represent the ruling ideology of destruction and the death economy.

To the medical enemies of the SPK it seemed to be uncommon, unimaginable, “irresponsible” that the treatment (therapy) had been socialized. In our country it can’t be allowed that the patients themselves determine and develop their therapy. Well-protected profit interests, even the entirety of existing social relations, are thereby called into question, attacked and threatened. This is why the socialist patients are considered to be "wild growth [Wildwuchs] that can’t be tolerated any longer and must be eliminated as quickly as possible by all available means" (Minister of Culture Hahn, November 9, 1970).
Half a year later this executive order was followed by police assaults against the SPK and detentions of patients. This method agrees with the dogma of the agents of capitalism that there always must continue to exist the exploiters and the exploited regardless of the loss of human lives for all eternity - amen.

The political activity of the SPK, which was determined by the needs of the patient and nourished by the knowledge of Hegel, Marx, Reich and many others, represented for the patients the abolition of their systematic dumbing down by the ideology and rationality of capitalism.


Patients looking at the leaflets and wall posters in the rooms of the SPK


Cops in a street in Heidelberg


Cops in – Prisoners out